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Map  Showing  the  Distribution  of  the  Dravidian 
tration  of  the  Madras  Presidency.) 


Population  in  India.       (According  to  the  Manual  of  Adminis- 


Scale,   200   miles  ==  i    inch. 

The  portion   of  India  in  which  the   Dravidian   population  is  in  excess  of  the   Aryan  is  surrounded  by  a   red  line. 

Districts  of  the  Madras  Presidency:  i.  Ganjam,  2.  Vizagapatam,  3.  Godavari,  4.  Kistna,  5.  Guntur,  6.  Kurnool, 
7.  Bellary.  8.  Anantapur,  9.  Cuddapah.  10.  Nellore,  Ji.  Chingleput,  12.  Madras,  13.  North  Arcot,  14.  South  Ar- 
cot,  15.  Salem,  16.  Coimbatore,  17.  Nilgiris,  18.  Malabar.  19.  South  Canara,  20.  Trichinopoly.  21.  Tanjore, 
22.     Madura,    23.     Tinnevelly. 


DRAVIDIAN    GODS 
IN    MODERN    HINDUISM 


A  STUDY  OF  THE  LOCAL  AND  VILLAGE 
DEITIES  OF  SOUTHERN  INDIA 


BY 

WILDER    THEODORE   ELMORE,  Ph.D. 


Reprinted  from  the  University  Studies  of  the  University  of  Nebraska, 
Vol.  XV,  No.  I,  15:5 


Published  by  the  Author 
HAMILTON,   N.  Y. 

I9I5 


Press  of 

The  New  Era  Printing  Company 

Lancaster.  Pa. 


PREFATORY   NOTE 


The  following  thesis  is  a  study  of  the  gods  of  Dravidian  origin 
which  are  found  in  Modern  Hinduism.  The  author  has  resided. 
in  India  almost  continuously  since  1900,  associating  somewhat 
closely  with  the  people,  and  attempting  to  learn  as  much  as  possible 
about  their  various  customs.  During  1909-10,  while  pursuing 
studies  in  the  department  of  political  science  and  sociology  of  the 
University  of  Nebraska,  the  investigations  reported  in  this  thesis 
were  undertaken  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Hutton  Webster,  of  that 
department.  The  greater  part  of  the  work  has  been  done  since  the 
author's  return  to  India  in  191 1. 

The  author  wishes  to  express  his  gratitude  to  the  many  friends 
whose  cooperation  has  made  this  work  possible.  Especial  ac- 
knowledgments are  due  to  Dr.  Hutton  Webster  for  reading  the 
manuscript  and  making  invaluable  suggestions ;  to  Mocherla 
Robert,  through  whose  untiring  efforts  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  material  has  been  secured ;  and  to  J.  A.  Curtis,  who  has  read 
the  manuscript  and  who,  from  his  accurate  knowledge  of  the- 
Indian  people,  has  rendered  great  assistance  in  verifying  and  in- 
terpreting the  customs  described. 

W.  T.  E. 

Ramapatnam,  India. 
November,   1913. 


2004659 


CONTENTS 

Introduction     vii 

A  neglected  branch  of  Hinduism.  Difficulties  in  securing  informa- 
tion about  Dravidian  worship.     The  method  of  this  thesis. 

CHAPTER     I 

The  Conquest  of  the  Dravidians 9 

Origin  of  the  Dravidians.  The  present  Dravidians  in  South 
India.  Dravidians  in  the  Rigveda.  Political  conquest  of  the 
Dravidians.     Absorption  of  the  Dravidian  religion  by  Hinduism. 

CHAPTER    II 

General  Features  of  Dravidian  Worship 16 

Worship  of  Hindu  gods.  Dravidian  temples  and  idols.  Character- 
istics of  Dravidian  gods.  Their  local  origin.  Bloody  offerings  to 
them.     Female  deities. 

CHAPTER     III 

The  Seven  Sisters   19 

Who  are  the  Seven  Sisters?  Poleramma ;  her  temple;  ceremonies 
in  case  of  smallpox.  General  worship  of  Poleramma.  Her  con- 
nection with  Potu  Razu.  Ankamma;  cruel  features  in  her  worship. 
Muthyalamma.  Her  worship  as  a  village  deity.  Dilli  Polasi. 
Her  worship  as  a  household  goddess.  Her  public  worship.  Ban- 
garamma;  variations  in  her  worship.  Mathamma  and  Matangi. 
Mathamma  as  a  Madiga  deity.  Choosing  a  Matangi.  Ceremonies 
of  initiation.     Duties  of  a  Matangi.     Renuka. 

CHAPTER    IV 
Perantalu    Worship    33 

Meaning  of  Perantalu.  Perantalus  in  Matsavaram.  Buchamma. 
Lingamma.     Usuramma.     The  worship  of  Usuramma. 

CHAPTER     V 
The   Saktis    39 

Meaning  of  sakfi.  Sakti  worship  in  the  Tantras.  Dravidian 
Saktis.  Worship  of  Saktis  in  connection  with  the  village  god- 
dess. Various  Saktis.  Kati  Ankamma.  Donga  Sakti.  Nadividhi 
Sakti.  Lambadi  Sakti.  Malayala  Sakti  and  human  sacrifice. 
Kateri   Sakti. 

CHAPTER     VI 

Demon  Possession 51 

Ceremonies  for  exorcising  demons  which  cause  sickness.  An- 
other method  of  exorcism.     Exorcism  at  Nattaryan  Kovil  temple. 

V 


V  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

CHAPTER    VII 

Kanaka  Durgamma  and  Poshamma  57 

Reasons  for  worshiping  Kanaka  Durgamma.  Ceremonies  in  the 
village.     In  the  grove.     Family  worship  of  Poshamma. 

CHAPTER    VIII 

Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  62 

Importance  of  local  legends.  Origins  of  various  deities.  Buch- 
amma.  Lingamma.  Usuramma.  Tota  Kuramma.  Demons  at 
Nattaryan  temple.  Kanaka  Durgamma.  Legend  of  a  golden 
horn.  Gonti.  Podilamma.  Mundla  Mudamma.  Ladothamma. 
Nagamma.  Verdatchamma  and  the  Cumbum  tank.  Bandlamma. 
Kitsamma.  Kurumayya.  Mangamma.  Sandamma  and  Gum- 
pamma.  Vinukonda  Ankamma.  Akka  Devatalu.  KulagoUamma. 
Kudullamma.     These  local  legends  a  distinguishing  feature. 

CHAPTER    IX 

The  Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends 81 

Origin  of  the  legends.  The  Siva  legends.  The  one  hundred  and 
one  kings.  Legend  of  Renuka  and  the  ant  hill.  Marriage  of 
Minakshi.  The  Vishnu  legends.  Renuka.  Potu  Razu.  The 
Rakshasas.  The  original  Sakti.  Legends  of  Korlapati  Ankamma. 
Legends  of  Matangi. 

CHAPTER     X 

The  Shepherds'  Purana  105 

The  legend  of  Gangamma.  Pedda  Razu.  Katama  Razu.  The 
Virulu. 

CHAPTER    XI 

Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism no 

Influence  on  Hindu  ritual.  Counter  influence  of  Hinduism  on 
Dravidian  rites.  Dravidian  method  of  forming  gods  adopted  by 
Hinduism.  Mala  Konda  Swami.  Narayanaswami.  Kotappa 
Konda  Swami.  Venagopala  Swami.  Aranjothi.  Brahmans  as 
pujaris.  Brahmans  and  Matangi  worship.  Brahmans  profiting 
by  connection  with  Dravidian  worship. 

CHAPTER    XII 

Pundamental  Conceptions  in   Dravidian  Worship 122 

Sources  of  information  as  to  fundamental  conceptions.  Did  Dra- 
vidian sacrifices  originate  in  totemism?  Fetishism  in  the  Dravid- 
ian conception.  Dravidian  animism.  Dravidian  demonolatry.  The 
meaning  of  the  images.  The  meaning  of  the  sacrifices.  Origin 
of  the  Dravidian  gods.     Morality  of  the  Dravidian  religion. 


NTRODUCTION 


There  is  no  lack  of  authoritative  works  on  Hinduism  as  a  sys- 
tem of  reHgion.  No  other  system,  with  the  exception  of  Chris- 
tianity, is  so  interesting,  so  fully  known,  or  has  attracted  so  many 
to  its  study.  With  such  abundant  interest,  it  seems  somewhat 
strange  that  a  great  branch  of  nominal  Hinduism  has  been  very 
largely  neglected  in  these  works.  This  branch  is  the  worship  of 
local  and  village  deities.  It  is  estimated,^  and  probably  conserva- 
tively, that  eighty  per  cent  of  the  people  of  South  India  address 
their  worship  almost  exclusively  to  such  minor  deities,  and  yet 
these  deities  receive  little  attention  in  studies  of  Hinduism.  Often 
they  are  dismissed  with  a  page  or  two,  while  the  remainder  of  the 
treatment  is  given  to  the  Brahmanic  deities.- 

The  reasons  for  this  apparent  neglect  are  not  difficult  to  discover. 
There  is  no  systematized  teaching  connected  with  village  cults  or 
worship.  No  interesting  systems  of  philosophy  lie  behind  them. 
The  Dravidians  are  not  a  literary  people,  and  their  religion  has  no 
literature.  There  are  no  A  edas  or  other  writings  telling  of  their 
gods.  Their  history  is  contained  in  the  somewhat  confused 
legends  recited  by  wandering  singers  who  attend  the  festivals  and 
assist  in  the  worship. 

These  legends  and  stories  are  always  recited  from  memory; 
and  as  usually  the  singers  cannot  read,  written  stories  would  be 
of  no  value  to  them.  ^Nlany  of  the  legends,  however,  are  written 
on  books  made  from  the  leaves  of  the  palmyra  palm,^  but  such 
books  are  jealously  guarded,  and  any  suggestion  as  to  translating 
or  printing  them  meets  with  strong  objections. 

This  worship  is  found  largely  among  uneducated  people,  and 

^Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  174. 

*  Sir  Monier  Monier-Williams,  Brahnianism  and  Hinduism,  London,  1891, 
gives  the  best  account,  Chs.  VII,  VIII,  IX.  Edward  Washburn  Hopkins, 
The  Religions  of  India,  London,  1895,  Ch.  XVIII,  gives  a  short  account 
of  the  ReHgious  Traits  of  the  Wild  Tribes  of  India,  under  which  heading 
he  classifies  this  worship. 

3  Brab  tree  or  Fan  Palm  tree,  Borassus  flabelliformis. 


viii  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

not  only  are  they  unable  to  give  any  connected  account  of  their 
gods  or  the  principles  of  their  worship,  but  as  soon  as  they  see  any 
systematic  attempt  being  made  to  learn  of  these  things  they  are 
filled  with  superstitious  fears,  and  it  is  almost  impossible  to  get 
them  to  tell  what  they  do  know.* 

Again,  the  educated  people  of  the  land  know  little  about  these 
local  gods,  and  afifect  to  know  less.  Any  questions  are  met  with 
the  reply  that  their  worship  belongs  to  outcastes  and  the  lower 
orders  of  society,  and  that  they  know  nothing  about  it.  The 
Brahmans  have  a  considerable  interest  in  these  gods,  as  will  be 
seen  later,  and  no  doubt  know  far  more  than  they  are  willing  to 
admit.  They  are  ashamed  of  their  connection  with  this  worship 
and  of  their  fears  of  the  gods.  Then,  too,  since  this  worship  is 
almost  exclusively  that  of  propitiation  to  avert  some  evil  which  a 
local  god  may  be  perpetrating  or  intending,  the  Brahmans  do  not 
wish  to  run  the  risk  of  incurring  the  displeasure  of  a  god  by 
careless  remarks  about  it,  or  even  of  attracting  its  attention  by 
allusions  to  it.     They  therefore  pretend  complete  ignorance. 

For  these  reasons  the  difficulties  of  learning  about  the  subject 
are  considerable.  The  material,  while  almost  limitless,  is  very 
fugitive.  There  is  scarcely  any  other  way  to  gain  necessary  in- 
formation than  by  protracted  residence  in  India,  by  securing  one 
point  at  a  time,  by  coming  into  as  close  contact  with  the  people  as 
possible,  by  observing  their  worship,  by  learning  as  much  as  pos- 
sible about  each  local  deity  met  with,  and  obtaining  one  story  here 
and  another  there.  The  reasons  for  the  customs  are  quite  com- 
monly unknown  to  the  people  themselves,  and  it  requires  persistent 
effort  to  discover  what  traditions,  former  practices,  and  sub- 
conscious ideas  are  responsible  for  a  great  deal  that  takes  place. 

Another  reason  for  lack  of  investigation  in  regard  to  these 
Dravidian  gods  is  that  the  subject  has  not  been  considered  an 
attractive  one.  There  is  no  historic  leader  or  founder  around 
whose  personality  any  interesting  facts  or  legends  may  cluster. 
It  is  not  a  worship  that  any  one  is  proud  of,  or  that  any  one  of 

*  In  my  investigations  I  have  found  that  the  people  often  thought  that  I 
was  collecting  facts  for  the  Government, — an  idea  which  filled  them  with 
needless  fright. 


Introduction  ix 

ordinary  enlightenment  attempts  to  defend.  In  fact,  it  would  not 
be  classed  by  most  people  as  coming  within  the  range  of  the 
study  of  Comparative  Religion,  but  would  be  assigned  to  Anthro- 
pology, or  discussed  in  connection  with  primitive  customs.  Edu- 
cated Indians  have  not  cared  to  undertake  this  study,  and  the 
foreigners  who  write  on  Hinduism  usually  confine  themselves  to 
what  they  can  learn  from  the  sacred  books  of  the  Hindus,  or  from 
the  educated  classes. 

A  further  obstacle  lies  in  the  fact  that  even  if  a  foreigner  is 
inclined  to  do  field  work  and  make  personal  investigations,  many  of 
the  rites  and  ceremonies  are  performed  at  such  times  and  in  such 
places  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  conduct  satisfactory  research, 
and  some  of  the  orgies  are  of  such  a  nature  that,  even  if  one  had 
the  opportunity,  it  would  take  strong  nerves  and  some  bravery 
to  observe  what  is  going  on.^ 

While  the  following  pages  deal  with  Dravidian  worship  as  found 
in  all  of  southern  India,  the  collection  of  new  material  has  been 
confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  Telugu  people,  and  among  them 
the  larger  part  of  the  work  has  been  done  in  the  Nellore  District. 
The  sources  of  information  have  been  largely  oral.  The  writer 
has  visited  as  many  temples  and  places  of  worship  as  possible,  and 
has  had  opportunity  to  see  many  of  the  ceremonies.  It  has  usually 
been  possible  to  secure  some  friendly  person  to  explain  what  was 
seen.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  reliability  of  these  explana- 
tions. It  is  a  common  experience  to  have  those  interested  in  the 
ceremonies  refuse  to  tell  about  them,  but  I  have  not  yet  discovered 
any  definite  attempt  to  deceive  or  to  fabricate  an  explanation. 
Often  they  evade  all  questions,  saying  that  they  do  not  know,  or 
that  this  is  the  way  their  fathers  did,  but  no  deliberate  deception  is 
attempted. 

Much  information  has  been  secured  by  conversation  with  people, 

5  William  Crooke,  Things  Indian.  New  York,  1906,  p.  412,  says,  "The 
subject  of  the  Sakti  sacrifices  is  repulsive,  and  few  Englishmen  care  to 
explore  those  shrines  of  Kali  or  Devi,  which  reek  with  the  blood  of 
victims.  .  .  .  Those  who  are  curious  in  such  matters  will  refer  to  Ward's 
account  of  the  Bengal  sacrifices.  .  .  .  Dr.  Oldfield  gives  a  distressing 
account."  This  is  a  fair  example  of  the  feeling  of  most  writers  on 
Hinduism. 


X  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

at  other  than  festival  times,  about  the  various  features  of  the  wor- 
ship. Priests  and  those  directly  connected  with  the  deities,  are 
usually  not  very  communicative,  and  what  they  tell  is  fragmentary. 
Many  facts  have  been  verified  in  this  way,  but  very  little  consecu- 
tive description  has  been  secured.  Among  those  who  have  left 
this  worship,  many  old  men  can  give  a  great  deal  of  information. 
It  is  a  tribute  to  the  advancing  intelligence  and  enlightenment  in 
India  that  those  young  men  whose  fathers  no  longer  w'orship  the 
Dravidian  deities,  know  almost  nothing  about  the  ceremonies. 

Another  method  employed  in  collecting  material  was  to  send  out 
a  questionnaire  in  both  Telugu  and  English  to  a  large  number  of 
people  who  have  opportunity  to  know  about  the  subject  under  in- 
vestigation. In  these  replies,  especially  those  from  Indian  people, 
a  great  deal  of  useful  information  has  been  secured.  Still  another 
method,  which  has  proved  most  fruitful,  was  to  employ  and  train 
a  young  man  for  the  special  work  of  making  investigations  and 
collecting  information.  He  soon  became  an  expert,  and  was  able 
to  secure  a  great  deal  which  would  have  been  entirely  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  personal  investigations  of  the  writer. 

The  written  sources  of  information  about  Dravidian  gods  and 
worship  are  limited.  The  most  important  are  the  government 
gazetteers,  district  manuals,  and  bulletins  of  the  -Madras  Govern- 
ment ^Museum.  The  Government  of  India  is  doing  a  valuable  work 
in  collecting  and  publishing  information  about  the  varied  peoples 
of  India  and  their  many  peculiar  customs.  This  information  is 
collected  by  district  officers  or  by  men  especially  selected  for  such 
purposes. 

There  is  only  one  of  these  various  reports  which  deals  directly 
with  the  subject  of  this  thesis.  This  is  the  Madras  Government 
Bulletin,  V,  3,  by  Henry  Whitehead,  Bishop  of  Madras.  He  has 
made  an  extensive  study  of  village  deities,  and  has  collected  a 
large  amount  of  information.  The  other  reports  have  various 
accounts  of  worship,  demon  possession,  and  similar  matters, 
scattered  through  many  pages  of  description  of  the  people. 

The  general  works  which  are  named  in  the  bibliography  con- 
tain a  great  deal  of  material  which  is  necessary  to  an  understand- 
ing of  the  subject,  especially  in  its  relations  to  other  forms  of  Hin- 


Introduction  xi 

■duism.  Some  of  these  works  include  chapters  bearing  directly  on 
the  subject  of  these  minor  deities  and  demons.  The  sacred  books 
of  the  Hindus  hereinafter  cited  contain  legends  which  have  be- 
come attached  to  the  Dravidian  gods,  and  which  often  throw 
much  light  on  the  mutual  relations  of  these  two  forms  of 
Hinduism. 

Since  the  material  for  this  thesis  has  been  gathered  from  so 
many  sources,  it  has  not  been  difficult  to  determine  its  reliability. 
In  oral  information,  the  reports  have  naturally  very  much  over- 
lapped one  another,  and  thus  made  it  possible  to  verify  doubtful 
points.  The  government  reports  have  been  especially  useful  for 
verifying  the  information  secured  orally,  as  also  have  been  some 
portions  of  the  general  works. 

The  importance  of  some  knowledge  of  this  subject  to  those  who 
wish  to  understand  modern  Hinduism,  and  especially  to  those 
whose  work  brings  them  into  direct  touch  with  the  people  of 
India,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  emphasize.  Religion  to  the  In- 
dian is  not  an  external  or  indififerent  matter.  It  enters  into  every 
detail  of  his  life.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  for  any  sympathetic 
imderstanding  of  the  people  a  knowledge  of  their  religion  is  neces- 
sary. It  is  estimated  that  more  than  two  hundred  million  of  the 
people  of  India  are  of  Dravidian  ancestry,  and  while  they  are 
classified  as  Hindus  and  have  adopted  Hindu  forms  and  names, 
their  daily  religion  is  that  of  their  Dravidian  ancestors. 


DRAVIDIAN   GODS   IN    MODERN    HINDUISM 


CHAPTER   I 

The  Conquest  of  the  Dravidians 

The  term  Dravidian  is  commonly  used  to  refer  to  all  of  the 
non-Aryan  population  in  the  peninsula  of  India.  The  Dravidians 
are  considered  to  be  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  land.  They 
predominate  in  the  southern  and  eastern  parts  of  India/  but 
form  a  considerable  part  of  the  population  in  the  northwestern 
part  where  the  Aryans  predominate.^ 

The  history  of  the  Dravidians  is  lost  in  antiquity.  Long  before 
the  Aryans  came  to  India  they  were  the  domiciled  inhabitants. 
They  have  preserved  no  literature  and  left  no  monuments  which 
throw  light  upon  their  origin. 

There  are  two  main  theories  with  regard  to  the  origin  of  the 
Dravidians  in  India. ^  The  one  most  commonly  accepted  is  that 
they  came  through  the  northwest  passages  in  the  Himalaya  Moun- 
tains at  some  time  far  earlier  than  the  Aryan  invasion.  The 
physiognomy  of  the  Dravidians  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Cau- 
casians, and  has  but  little  resemblance  to  the  Mongolians.  More- 
over, their  distribution  in  India  would  indicate  that  they  once  cov- 
ered the  entire  land  and  were  driven  to  the  south  and  east  by  the 
later  invasion  of  the  Aryans. 

The  other  theory  is  that  the  Dravidians  have  had  a  southern 
origin.  The  hypothetical  sunken  continent  in  the  Indian  Ocean, 
called  Lemuria,  is  thought  to  have  been  their  original  home.* 
Ceylon  is  certainly  Dravidian,  and  the  distribution  of  Dravidians 
in  India  lends  itself  quite  as  well  to  the  support  of  a  southern 
origin  as  of  a  northern.     The  negritic  type  which  is  so  often  ob- 

1  See.  map. 

2  For  a  discussion  of  the  distribution  of  Dravidian  languages  see  R.  Cald- 
well, A  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Dravidian  or  South  Indian  Family 
of  Languages.  London,  1875,  Introduction. 

3  For  a  full  discussion  of  the  origin  of  the  Dravidians  in  India  see  The 
Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  1885,  I,  pp.  29  sq. 

*  See  W.  Crooke,  The  Northwest  Provinces  of  India,  London,  1897,  pp. 
198  sq. 


10  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

served,  especially  in  the  Yanadis,^  has  been  attributed  to  this 
southern  origin,  but  it  is  probable  that  for  centuries  coasting  trad- 
ers have  gone  back  and  forth  between  India  and  Africa.  The  mon- 
soon winds  blowing  steadily  for  many  weeks  every  year  from  the 
southwest  to  India,  may  also  have  brought  shipwrecked  Africans 
or  those  who  put  out  too  far  to  sea  and  were  unable  to  get  back 
to  land. 

It  is  not  the  intention  of  this  thesis  to  throw  new  light  on  the 
question  of  the  origin  of  the  Dravidians.  It  is  sufificient  to  point 
out  that  when  the  Aryan  invaders  came  to  India  they  found 
another  race  in  possession  of  the  land — a  race  which  they  grad- 
ually subjugated,  and  to  some  extent  assimilated. 

In  South  India  the  Aryans  are  now  represented  almost  exclu- 
sively by  the  Brahmans.  It  is  usually  understood  that  of  the  four 
castes  of  Hinduism,  the  Sudras  only  are  Dravidian,  but  it  is  prob- 
able that  very  few  people  in  South  India  who  claim  descent  from 
the  A'^aisyas  and  Kshatriyas  are  of  Aryan  origin.*'  The  Komaties, 
or  merchants,  claim  to  be  \"aisyas,  but  there  appears  to  be  an 
intimate  connection  between  them  and  the  ]\Iadigas,  or  leather 
workers,  who  are  of  undoubted  Dravidian  origin.'  When  a  mar- 
riage takes  place  among  the  Komaties  it  is  necessary  to  bring  the 
fire  from  the  house  of  a  ^ladiga  for  the  new  household.  ]\Iany 
devices  are  used  to  cover  up  this  connection.  A  Komatie  will 
come  on  some  pretext  to  the  house  of  a  Madiga,  and  after  com- 
pleting his  business  will  ask  for  a  light  for  his  cheroot.  Komaties, 
however,  do  not  deny  the  connection. 

The  hymns  of  the  Rigveda^  give  us  much  light  on  the  great 
struggle  of  the  Aryans  in  conquering  the  Dravidians.     The  Aryans 

^Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  IV,  no.  2,  pp.  87  sq.  gives  a  full 
discussion  of  the  probable  origin  of  the  Yanadis. 

<*  Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  pp.  79  sq.,  for 
"Kshatriya";  VII,  pp.  271,  sq.,  for  "  Vaisya." 

'Ibid.,  Ill,  pp.  325  sq. 

^  See  especially  the  following  hymns  of  the  Rigveda :  T.  H.  Griffith, 
The  Ramayan  of  Valmiki,  Benares,  1895,  Book  I,  Cantos  22,  117,  132,  175. 
Book  II,  Canto  20.  Book  III,  Canto  53.  Book  IV,  Cantos  6,  16,  28,  30, 
2,2.  Book  V,  Canto  7.  Book  VI,  Cantos  23,  25,  31.  Book  VII,  Canto  99. 
Book  \'III,  Canto  14.     Book  IX,  Canto  41.     Book  X,  Cantos  22,  29. 


PLATE    II 


YANADIS 

The    Negritic    type    is    unequivocal    in    tliis    group. 


TVP1-:S    OF    DRAVIDIAN    FACES 
These  people  are   Sudras.     Negritic  features  are   absent  in  this  type. 


The  Conquest  of  the  Dravidians  1 1 

were  not  lacking  in  epithets  with  which  to  describe  these  people. 
They  called  them  "enemies,"  "slaves,"  "abject  tribes,"  "void  of 
sense,"  "  inhuman,"  "  keeping  alien  rites,"  "  malignant,"  "  wicked," 
"  riteless,"  "  prayerless,"  "bestowing  no  gifts"  (to  the  gods), 
"  pouring  no  oblation  of  milk,"  "  non-worshipers,"  "  priestless," 
"not  keeping  sacred  fires,"  "worshipers  of  mad  gods,"  and  they 
even  accused  them  of  eating  human  flesh. 

It  is  probable  that  this  is  an  exaggerated  description,  for  the 
conquerors  also  speak  of  their  enemies  as  being  wealthy  in  herds, 
having  impregnable  castles,  forts  of  iron,  and  cities.  They  were 
found  to  be  most  powerful  foes,  and  probably  were  stubborn  in 
their  resistance,  as  the  Aryans  called  them  "  bull-jawed."  In  the 
course  of  time,  however,  the  conquest  was  complete.  The  Aryans 
became  the  rulers,  and  the  Dravidians  took  a  subordinate  position 
in  the  newly  organized  caste  system. 

The  conquerors  soon  found  that  if  they  were  to  hold  the  Dravid- 
ians in  subjection  some  consideration  for  their  religion  was  neces- 
sary. Although  the  Dravidians  were  worshipers  of  "  mad  gods," 
they  were  most  tenacious  of  their  religious  rites.  The  Aryans  did 
not  attempt  to  compel  them  to  give  up  their  gods,  but  adopted  the 
policy  of  bringing  the  people  with  their  religion  into  the  fold  of 
Hinduism.  This  process  has  been  going  on  until  the  present  time.^ 
To  what  extent  the  effort  has  succeeded  is  evident  on  every  hand.^° 

9  Gazetteer  of  Viaagapatavi  District,  I,  p.  75.  The  Khonds,  a  hill  tribe, 
are  an  illustration.  They  are  still  worshipping  simultaneously  their  aborig- 
inal god,  Poleramma  from  the  Telugu  country,  and  an  orthodox  Hindu  god. 

1"  Census  of  191 1,  Vol.  XII,  Pt.  i,  Ch.  4,  (paras.  4,  6,  22,  26).  "It  is 
well  to  remember  that  the  strict  connotation  of  the  word  Hinduism  is 
racial  and  social  rather  than  theological.  At  the  same  time  we  may  ad- 
mit that  Hinduism  is  in  a  sense  acquisitive.  If  it  strains  out  the  individual 
gnat,  it  can  swallow  with  cheerfulness  the  tribal  camel.  Some  slight  pro- 
fession of  faith,  and  modern  efficiency  in  the  nice  conduct  of  ceremony, 
are  sufficient  to  secure  for  an  aspiring  animistic  tribe,  gods  included, 
admission  within  the  pale. 

"  The  most  debatable  Hindu  may  well  worship,  and  often  does  worship, 
the  great  Hindu  deities.  Such  worship  is  not  a  necessary  impediment  to 
a  simultaneous  worship  of  many  minor  godlings.  The  two  acts  of  faith 
at  times  co-exist  even  in  Brahmans. 

"  Whatever  may  be  their  present-day  union  or  interminglement,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  imagine  any  original  connection  of  the  Aryan  Brahmans  and  their 


12  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

The  original  Vedic  religion  finds  but  little  in  common  with  mod- 
ern Hinduism.  The  great  mass  of  Dravidian  deities,  rites,  and 
superstitions  have  become  a  part  of  so-called  Hinduism,  and  while 
somewhat  changed  by  Brahmanic  Hinduism,  the  latter  has  been 
equally  changed  by  the  Dravidian  religion. ^^ 

subtle  philosophies,  with  the  gross  demonolatry  of  the  Dravidian  peoples 
who  surrounded  them.  Holding  certain  philosophical  opinions,  which  they 
neither  expected  nor  particularly  desired  their  Dravidian  neighbors  to  share, 
it  is  unlikely  that  the  early  Aryan  theorists  made  any  serious  efforts  to 
obtain  adherents  to  their  way  of  thinking.  But  satisfied  with  the  admission 
of  their  undoubted  intellectual  superiority,  they  built  gradually  many  a 
connecting  bridge  between  their  own  somewhat  unpractical  speculations, 
and  the  extremely  materialistic  demonologies  of  the  Dravidians." 

E.  A.  Gait,  Census  Commissioner  for  India,  in  his  "  Notes  on  Census 
Returns  of  Hindus,"  dated  Simla,  12th  July,  igio  (See  Indian  Social 
Rcfo7-mcr,  Bombay,  Nov.  20,  1912),  discusses  at  length  the  question  as  to 
who  are  to  be  enumerated  as  Hindus.  "  The  complaint  has  often  been 
made  that  the  Census  returns  of  Hindus  are  misleading,  as  they  include 
millions  of  people  who  are  not  really  Hindus  at  all,  who  are  denied  the 
ministrations  of  the  Brahmans,  and  are  forbidden  to  enter  Hindu  temples, 
and  who  in  many  cases  are  regarded  as  so  unclean  that  their  touch,  or  even 
their  proximity,  causes  pollution.  There  is  of  course  much  truth  in  the 
criticism,  but  the  fact  that  Hinduism  has  no  definite  creed  makes  it  diffi- 
cult to  lay  down  any  definite  test  as  to  who  is,  and  who  is  not  a  Hindu. 
A  man  may  believe  in  the  whole  Hindu  pantheon,  or  only  in  particular 
gods,  or,  for  that  matter,  in  no  gods  at  all;  he  may  sacrifice  or  abstain  from 
sacrifices;  he  may  eat  flesh  and  fish  or  abstain  from  so  doing;  but  he  is 
still  regarded  as  a  Hindu  if  he  belongs  to  a  recognized  Hindu  caste,  does 
not  deny  the  supremacy  of  the  Brahmans,  and  abstains  from  open  disre- 
gard of  the  restrictions  observed  by  his  caste  fellows."  Mr.  Gait  proposes 
the  following  as  some  of  the  tests  which  might  be  applied  to  discover 
whether  any  certain  class  may  be  regarded  as  Hindus  or  not.  "  (i)  Do  the 
members  of  the  caste  or  tribe  worship  the  great  Hindu  gods?  (2)  Are 
they  allowed  to  enter  Hindu  temples  or  make  offerings  at  the  shrine? 
(3)  Will  good  Brahmans  act  as  their  priests?  (4)  Will  degraded  Brah- 
mans do  so?  In  that  case,  are  they  recognized  as  Brahmans  by  persons 
outside  the  caste,  or  are  they  Brahmans  only  in  name?  (5)  Will  clean 
castes  take  water  from  them?  (6)  Do  they  cause  pollution,  (a)  by  touch, 
(&)  by  proximity?"  These  tests  would  cut  off  from  Hinduism  all  the 
outcastes,  who  are  a  very  considerable  number  in  the  census,  and  who 
commonly  claim  to  be  genuine  Hindus. 

11  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot,  I,  p.  94:  "  The  attitude  of  the  Hindus  of  the 
district  toward  the  numerous  deities  worshiped  therein  is  an  odd  medley 


The  Conquest  of  the  Dravidians  13 

Siva  worship  is  a  marked  illustration  of  the  adoption  of  aborig- 
inal gods.^^  Siva  is  a  god  of  the  Puranas,  and  in  connection  with 
his  worship  there  is  much  that  is  opposed  to  Brahmanism.  He 
appears  to  be  a  deified  chief.^^  His  wife,  Parvati,  is  more  strik- 
ingly aboriginal  than  Siva  himself.  She  appears  in  many  different 
forms.  As  Kali^*  she  is  a  bloodthirsty  goddess,  wearing  a  neck- 
lace of  skulls,  and  dancing  on  the  bodies  of  her  fallen  enemies. 
Another  name  commonly  given  her  is  Durga.^^  The  goddesses  of 
the  Dravidians  are  commonly  said  to  be  incarnations  of  Kali  or 
Durga,  and  so  the  wives  of  Siva. 

Ganesa,  the  elephant  headed  god,  and  Hanuman,  the  monkey 
god,  are  said  to  be  the  sons  of  Siva,^*'  and  in  this  way  are  connected 

of  orthodox  Brahmanic  ideas,  and  the  most  primitive  superstitions."  "A 
Native,"  Pen  and  Ink  Sketches  of  Native  Life  in  South  India,  Madras, 
1880,  shows  the  attitude  of  mind  assumed  bj'  many  of  the  Indians  of  Aryan 
descent  toward  the  Dravidian  people.  He  says,  "  The  pariah  and  chuckler 
people  and  a  whole  lot  of  other  half-wild  tribes  are  supposed  to  be  the 
aborigines  of  the  country."  He  then  tells  something  of  their  demon-wor- 
ship and  their  subjection  to  the  higher  castes. 

12  On  Siva  as  an  aboriginal  deity  see  Wilkins,  Hindu  Mythology,  Cal- 
cutta, 1882,  p.  280;  The  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presi- 
dency, I,  p.  84;  Journal  of  the  Ethnological  Society,  I,  p.  96. 

13  Sir  Alfred  C.  Lyall,  Asiatic  Studies,  London,  1907,  First  Series,  p.  49. 
Sir  Monier  Monier-Williams,  Brahnianisni  and  Hinduism,  London,  i8gi, 
p.  84. 

14  Kali  is  the  tutelary  goddess  of  Kalighat,  from  which  place  the  city 
of  Calcutta  takes  its  name.  Large  numbers  of  goats  and  sometimes 
buflfalos  are  beheaded  here  daily.  The  temple  is  owned  by  Brahmans 
who  have  become  immensely  wealthy  through  the  large  number  of  offerings 
made  by  pilgrims.  For  a  description  of  the  worship  at  Kalighat  see  Shib 
Chundar  Bose,  The  Hindus  as  They  Are,  Calcutta,  1883,  pp.  133  sq. 

15  Gustav  Oppert,  The  Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  Westminster,  1893, 
p.  495.  Kali  as  Durga  sometimes  receives  the  buffalo  sacrifice  in  South 
India.     She  has  every  mark  of  an  aboriginal  deity. 

1^  Hanuman  is  also  claimed  by  the  Vaishnavas.  For  the  legend  of  his 
double  parentage  see  Moor,  The  Hindu  Pantheon.  Madras,  1864.  pp.  250 
sq.  The  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  72, 
says  that  monkeys  were  always  worshiped  in  India,  and  when  Siva  worship 
came,  the  old  monkey  god,  Hanuman,  was  called  an  incarnation  of  Siva. 
The  Travencore  State  Manual.  II,  p.  51,  classifies  these  gods  as  tutelary 
deities. 


14  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

with  the  Hindu  pantheon.  It  is  possible  that  they  were  totems 
or  tribal  animal  gods  of  some  branch  of  the  aborigines,  and  have 
been  adopted  into  Hinduism. 

It  appears  that  this  adoption  of  aboriginal  gods  under  the  guise 
of  Siva  worship  has  never  fully  satisfied  either  Brahmans  or 
Dravidians.  There  is  evidence  in  the  Nellore  District  that  Siva 
worship  was  once  far  stronger  than  at  present.  On  every  hand 
fallen  temples  may  be  found,  and  these  are  almost  invariably  Siva 
temples.  They  are  usually  found  in  the  fields  at  some  little  dis- 
tance from  the  villages,  and  appear  to  have  been  deserted  for  a 
long  time,  perhaps  for  centuries.  There  are  no  local  traditions  of 
any  value  concerning  these  temples.  The  architecture  is  not  to  be 
compared  with  that  of  the  temples  in  the  towns,  yet  they  are  usu- 
ally built  with  massive  stones.  They  are  far  better  buildings  than 
the  shrines  of  the  Dravidian  deities,  but  the  style  of  architecture 
is  somewhat  the  same. 

It  is  probable  that  these  temples  were  built  by  local  kings  at 
public  expense,  under  the  direction  of  Brahmans  at  court.  They 
were  built  in  the  fields  to  satisfy  the  customs  of  the  people,  and 
the  style  was  Dravidian  rather  than  Aryan.  With  the  coming  of 
political  changes  support  by  the  government  disappeared,  except 
in  cases  where  lands  had  been  given  to  the  temples,  and  the  small 
Siva  temples  seem  not  to  have  been  thus  endowed.  As  now  the 
burden  of  keeping  up  the  worship  fell  upon  the  people  themselves, 
they  found  the  Siva  worship  too  much  Brahmanized  to  suit  their 
tastes,  and  they  soon  went  back  to  their  unchanged  Dravidian  gods. 

Although  Siva  has  been  deserted,  the  village  demonesses  are 
usually  said  to  be  his  wives.  His  sons,  Hanuman  and  Ganesa, 
also  seem  to  be  nearer  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  image  of 
Hanuman  is  commonly  worn  around  the  necks  of  the  children, 
being  drawn  on  a  small  piece  of  metal,  while  a  large  stone  image 
of  Ganesa  is  often  found  beside  the  shrine  of  the  Dravidian  vil- 
lage goddess,  and  at  times  is  even  placed  in  the  temple  beside  the 
goddess. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  although  much  of  the  aboriginal  re- 
ligion and  many  of  the  gods  have  been  adopted  into  Hinduism, 
working  great  changes  in  Hinduism  itself,  there  has  been  but  very 


The  Conquest  of  the  Dravidians  i  5 

little  assimilation  in  the  thoughts  and  customs  of  the  people.  In 
many  ways  an  artificial  connection  has  been  found  between  the 
original  Dravidian  worship  and  Hinduism,  and  the  people  are  clas- 
sified as  Hindus,  but  the  connection  is  to  a  great  extent  in  name 
only.  The  same  strange  rites,  the  same  basal  beliefs  and  ideas, 
which  these  Dravidians  possessed  tens  of  centuries  ago,  seem  no 
less  powerful  to-day.  The  Dravidians  have  been  conquered  polit- 
ically and  socially,  but  religiously  the  contact  of  Aryans  and  Dra- 
vidians has  resulted  in  not  more  than  a  drawn  battle. ^'^ 

1"  Gazetteer  of  Madura  District,  I.  84,  states  that  in  many  places  in  this 
district  the  influence  of  the  Brahmans  is  comparatively  weak,  and  that 
weddings  are  performed  without  the  help  of  these  intermediaries.  The 
fact  is  very  unusual,  and  shows  that  Brahmans  have  not  secured  complete 
control.  In  the  Madura  District  they  are  only  18  in  every  1000  of  the 
population.  The  Manual  of  Admimstration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I, 
p.  71,  gives  a  story  to  the  effect  that  to  subdue  Vishnu,  Siva  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  demoniacal  aborigines.  This  story  indicates  some  early 
struggle  before  Siva  became  a  Hindu  god.  The  Dravidian  goddess,  El- 
lamma,  is  sometimes  represented  with  the  torn-off  head  of  a  Brahman  in 
her  hand,  which  indicates  that  the  political  conquest  was  not  an  easy  one. 
See  Oppert,  Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  p.  464. 


CHAPTER  II 
General  Features  of  Dravidian  Worship 

Hinduism  as  commonly  known,  and  as  described  in  the  various 
treatises  on  the  subject,  is  the  rehgion  which  originated  in  Vedic 
times.  It  is  controlled  entirely  by  the  Brahmans.  The  prominent 
temples  which  are  so  evident  in  every  town  and  village,  are  temples 
for  Vishnu  or  Siva  or  some  of  their  incarnations  or  avatars. 

Rama,  the  hero  of  the  Ramayana,  an  avatar  of  Vishnu,  is  met 
in  every  village,  and  has  become  to  some  extent  a  tutelary  god  of 
South  India. ^  His  shrine  is  often  small  and  poorly  built,  prob- 
ably because  he  is  considered  much  in  the  same  light  as  the 
Dravidian  gods. 

In  all  Vishnu  and  Siva  temples  Brahman  priests  officiate.  The 
worship  has  something  more  of  dignity  and  mystery  than  that  of 
the  Dravidian  gods,  but  it  cannot  be  said  to  be  a  popular  worship. 
This  worship  is  supported  largely  through  endowments  of  lands 
made  to  the  temples  in  former  days  by  kings  who  wished  to  be 
friendly  with  the  Brahmans,  or  to  attain  merit  for  themselves. 
These  lands  are  now  usually  under  the  control  of  the  government, 
and  the  income  is  paid  for  the  expenses  of  the  temples.  Pilgrims 
and  people  hoping  to  attain  merit  also  make  gifts  for  the  support 
of  the  temples. 

The  mass  of  the  people,  meanwhile,  are  giving  their  attention 
almost  exclusively  to  another  group  of  gods.  Near  every  village 
may  be  seen  small  rude  temples  or  shrines.  Usually  an  unhewn 
stone  or  a  crudely  graven  image  is  the  only  occupant,  and  to  these 

1  The  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  71,  gives 
an  interesting  fact  that  the  Shanans  ('  toddy-drawers  ')  of  South  India 
still  celebrate  with  joy  the  successes  of  Ravana  and  the  defeat  of  Rama. 
At  one  time  I  was  watching  the  removal  of  a  fallen  Ramaswami  shrine  in 
a  hamlet  where  his  worship  had  ceased,  and  beneath  the  image  were 
found  shells  and  little  pots  used  in  Dravidian  devil  worship.  Also  one 
Chinese  cash  was  found !  The  history  of  this  is  a  mystery.  It  is  evident 
that  when  Rama's  shrine  was  erected,  the  people  felt  safer  to  have  the 
symbols  of  their  demons  included  also. 

16 


General  Features  of  Dravidian  Worship  17 

images  the  people  pay  their  devotions.  There  is  also  another 
class  of  images  which  may  very  seldom  be  seen.  These  are  tem- 
porary images  which  are  made  for  worship  on  a  single  occasion, 
and  then  are  deserted  or  thrown  away. 

Practically  all  of  the  people  except  the  Brahmans  join  actively 
in  the  worship  of  these  minor  gods,  and  the  Brahmans  are  by  no 
means  indifferent.  The  most  of  the  sacrifices  are  of  slaughtered 
animals,  hence  usually  a  Brahman  will  not  act  as  priest.  An  oc- 
casional exception,  however,  is  found.  The  Brahmans  quite  com- 
monly direct  some  parts  of  the  worship,  and  often  are  present, 
usually  standing  at  a  distance.^  They  admit  that  these  deities  are 
powerful  demons,  and  so  are  not  to  be  neglected.  One  Brahman  of 
education  explained  his  position  in  the  matter  to  an  English  official 
as  follows :  "  I  attempt  to  win  the  favor  of  the  collector  because 
he  may  promote  me,  but  I  pay  blackmail  to  the  Kollans  too.  Of 
what  good  is  the  collector's  friendship  if  the  Kollans  steal  my 
bullocks?  ''"  In  his  illustration  the  collector  represented  the  Brah- 
manic  deities  and  the  Kollans  the  minor  gods  and  demons. 

The  characteristics  which  distinguish  these  Dravidian  deities 
from  the  Brahmanic  gods  are  in  general  as  follows.'*  In  the  first 
place  the  Brahmanic  gods  usually  have  some  kind  of  a  divine  his- 
tory. They  have  some  legendary  birth  in  the  abode  of  the  gods,, 
and  appear  on  the  earth  in  various  avatars.  The  Dravidian  gods,, 
however,  are  usually  local  in  their  origin.  Their  history  com- 
monly begins  on  earth,  often  as  the  ghost  of  some  person  who  has, 
died.  In  the  thought  of  the  people  also,  the  Dravidian  gods  are 
local.  Each  village  has  its  own  deity,  a  fact  which  has  given  rise 
to  the  common  term  of  "  Village  Deities  "   for  these  Dravidian 

2  At  a  great  festival  for  Kulagollamma  in  Kavili,  Nellore  District,  Sept. 
S,  1913,  I  saw  large  numbers  of  Brahmans  standing  on  an  elevation  watch- 
ing the  beheading  of  buffaloes  and  the  drawing  of  the  carts.  I  talked  with 
some  of  them,  asking  them  how  it  was  that  they  were  consenting  to  the 
bloody  offerings.  They  replied  that  in  a  time  of  danger  it  was  right  to 
take  life.  The  present  danger  was  that  Kulagollamma  would  send  cholera 
if  not  propitiated. 

3  Gazetteer  of  Tan j ore,  1,  p.  67. 

4  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  109.  J.  N.  Farquahar, 
A  Primer  of  Hinduism,  London,  ign,  pp.  153  sq. 


1 8  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hiiidtiism 

gods.  Even  when  one  god  is  found  in  many  places,  the  people 
never  think  of  it  as  a  general  god  with  world  relations,  but  only 
as  their  local  deity. 

Again,  these  gods  are  almost  always  propitiated  with  bloody  or 
animal  sacrifices,  but  this  is  not  the  case  with  true  Hindu  gods. 
Because  of  these  bloody  sacrifices,  and  also  for  historical  reasons, 
the  pujari,  or  priest,  is  very  rarely  a  Brahman.  The  Dravidian 
deities,  moreover,  are  commonly  of  the  female  sex,  in  contrast  to 
the  masculine  nature  of  the  Hindu  gods. 

In  India  there  are  exceptions  to  all  rules,  and  so  every  one  of 
the  above  tests  will  be  found  to  fail  at  times.  But  the  whole  char- 
acter of  these  Dravidian  deities  and  their  worship  is  so  marked, 
that  there  is  no  danger  of  confusing  the  two.^  The  people  them- 
selves commonly  distinguish  between  the  gods  of  Dravidian  and  of 
Hindu  origin,  although  they  cannot  tell  what  is  the  basis  of  their 
classification.  It  is  a  striking  phenomenon  that  after  centuries  of 
close  contact  and  definite  efiforts  to  amalgamate  the  two  cults,  the 
breach  seems  almost  as  wide  to-day  as  ever  it  was,  as  far  as  rites 
and  basic  beliefs  are  concerned.'' 

5  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  70,  divides 
the  deities  of  India  into  three  classes:  (i)  Brahmanic  deities,  (2)  Aborigi- 
nal deities,  and  (3)  Deities  which  are  a  combination  of  these  two.  In  the 
■case  of  the  last-named  deities  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  their  origin  either 
to  Brahmanic  or  aboriginal  sources,  and  to  discover  how  the  other  ele- 
ment has  been  added. 

6  The  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot  District,  I,  p.  375,  gives  a  strange  in- 
stance of  an  exception  to  the  rule  that  these  gods  are  female.  In  the  town 
of  Kuvnakkam  is  a  god  named  Aravan.  There  is  a  tradition  concerning 
him  which  is  found  in  the  Tamil  version  of  the  Mahabharata,  but  not  in  the 
Sanskrit  original,  that  Aravan  was  a  man  who  offered  his  life  as  a  sacri- 
fice to  assist  the  Pandavas  when  they  were  in  despair  because  their  enemies 
had  offered  a  white  elephant.  He  was  deified,  and  now  men  dress  as 
women  at  his  festival,  vow  to  marry  him,  and  bewail  him  as  their  husband. 
This  is  without  doubt  Dravidian,  even  though  the  god  is  not  female. 
Other  exceptions  will  be  noticed  in  the  various  descriptions  of  the  deities. 


CHAPTER  III 

The  Seven  Sisters 

In  all  parts  of  South  India  the  Seven  Sisters  are  the  most  prom- 
inent among  Dravidian  deities.  They  have  one  younger  brother 
called  Potu  Razu.  His  name  seems  to  be  the  same  everywhere, 
but  the  names  of  the  Seven  Sisters  vary,  localities  quite  near  to- 
gether often  having  different  names  for  them.  In  the  Kandukuru 
Taluq  of  the  Nellore  District  the  names  commonly  given  are 
Poleramma,  Ankamma,  Muthyalamma,  Dilli  Polasi,  Bangaramma, 
Mathamma,  and  Renuka.  Of  these  Poleramma  is  the  best  known, 
being  found  in  almost  every  village.^ 

As  the  worship  of  the  Seven  Sisters  is  typical  of  that  of  all  the 
Dravidian  deities,  the  rites  connected  with  each  will  be  described 
with  some  detail. 

Poleramma.  The  temple  or  shrine  of  Poleramma  is  usually 
outside  the  village,  and  quite  frequently  on  the  bank  of  an  irriga- 
tion tank,  or  reservoir.^  The  shrine  is  usually  very  crude,  some- 
times built  with  stones  and  mud.     At  other  times  it  consists  of 

1  For  other  lists  see  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p. 
116;  Manual  of  Administration  of  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  78;  Oppert, 
Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  ■[).  488.  Oppert  includes  two  wives  of  lyenar, 
thus  making  nine  in  his  group.     Pidari  in  his  list  appears  to  be  Poleramma. 

2  Bishop  Whitehead  classifies  Poleramma  as  a  "  boundary  goddess." 
See  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3.  p.  in.  Polimeru  is 
a  Telugu  word  meaning  'boundary,'  or  more  accurately  the  field  between 
two  villages.  It  is  probable  that  the  similarity  of  names,  and  the  fact  that 
Poleramma's  temple  is  outside  the  village,  have  given  the  impression  that 
she  is  a  boundary  goddess.  J.  A.  Curtis  of  Donokonda  writes,  "  I  am 
unable  to  confirm  my  impression  that  Poleramma  is  a  boundary  goddess. 
Baita  Ankamma  also  is  related  to  the  boundaries.  Of  course  polimeru 
means  not  the  edge  of  the  settlement,  but  the  field  boundary  between  two 
separate  villages.  In  this  sense  the  Poleramma  temple  is  not  on  the 
boundary."  Regarding  boundary  goddesses  the  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot 
District,  I,  p.  92,  says,  "  In  many  places  stone  slabs  may  be  seen  set  up  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  village  on  what  are  said  to  be  the  old  boundaries." 
Some  of  these  have  become  idols.  On  others  cocoanuts  are  broken 
annually. 

19 


20  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

stones  two  or  three  feet  long,  set  upright  in  the  ground  on  three 
sides  of  a  small  square,  the  fourth  side  being  left  open.  On  the 
top  is  placed  a  flat  stone.  Within  the  shrine  will  be  found  one 
small  plain  stone,  of  no  particular  form,  set  upright  in  the  ground. 
This  is  the  image  of  Poleramma.  Very  rarely  Poleramma  will 
have  a  temple  built  after  the  pattern  of  those  Siva  temples  which 
are  found  in  the  fields. 

Poleramma  is  the  goddess  of  smallpox  in  the  Telugu  country,  as 
]\Iariammam  is  in  the  Tamil  country.  She  is  also  considered  to  be 
responsible  to  some  extent  for  all  other  troubles  in  the  village,  such 
as  cattle  disease,  drought,  and  sickness  among  the  people.  The 
name  Poleramma,  however,  is  the  common  expression  among  the 
people  for  smallpox.^ 

When  smallpox  breaks  out  in  a  village,  the  people  say  that  Pol- 
eramma has  come  to  them.  She  is  supposed  to  be  angry,  and  ex- 
presses her  anger  by  the  disease.  Before  a  general  jatara,  or 
the  offering  of  bloody  sacrifices  to  appease  the  goddess,  takes 
place,  the  afflicted  person  performs  certain  propitiatory  ceremonies. 

The  first  thing  done  is  to  place  some  cactus  leaves  on  the  wall 
near  the  gate.  Sometimes  the  cactus  is  placed  over  the  door.* 
The  intention  in  this  is  that  Poleramma,  seeing  the  cactus,  will 
think  the  place  uninhabited  and  pass  on,  since  cactus  would  not 
be  allowed  to  grow  on  the  wall  of  an  inhabited  house.  Then  a 
sheep  or  small  buffalo  is  tied  to  the  leg  of  the  cot  on  which  the 
sick  man  is  lying.  If  the  people  are  very  poor,  a  chicken  will  be 
substituted.  This  animal  is  a  votive  oft'ering,  and  it  is  hoped  that 
with  this  promise  Poleramma  will  be  satisfied  and  leave  the  house. 

Whether  the  smallpox  disappears  or  not,  within  a  few  days  the 
devoted  animal  is  taken  outside  the  village  boundaries  and  sacri- 
ficed. Two  pots  of  food  are  prepared.  Some  of  the  food  is 
placed  on  the  decapitated  head  of  the  buffalo,  or  other  animal  sac- 

3  Ammavaru,  a  respectful  title  for  a  woman,  is  a  name  also  given  to 
smallpox.  In  some  places  Pcddainma  meaning  a  great  woman,  is  used  for 
smallpox,  and  Chinnamma  meaning  a  lesser  woman,  is  used  for  chicken- 
pox.  In  every  case  the  underlying  meaning  is  the  same,  that  of  a  female 
deity  bringing  the  disease.  See  Brown's  English-Telugu  Dictionary^ 
Madras,  1903,  p.  1187.     Here  ammavaru  is  translated  "our  lady." 

*  This  is  done  also  for  cholera,  and  at  times  for  other  diseases. 


PLATE  III 


POLERAMA 

This    is    a    fair    example    of    a    Dravidian    goddess    when    the    image    is    carved    and 
dressed.     More    commonly    the    image    is    an    imcarved    stone. 


Tlic  Seven  Sisters  21 

rificed,  and  the  head  with  the  food  on  it  is  left  outside  the  bound- 
aries, with  the  hope  that  Poleramma  also  will  be  pleased  to  remain 
outside.  The  remainder  of  the  food  is  taken  home  by  the  one 
offering  it,  and  is  eaten  there.  When  smallpox  has  appeared  in 
a  village,  many  of  the  people  besides  the  afflicted  family  perform 
these  ceremonies  as  a  precautionary  measure. 

If  the  smallpox  appears  to  be  spreading,  a  general  jaiara^  is 
arranged  for.  First  the  announcement  of  the  coming  jatara  is 
made,  and  ofiferings  solicited.  This  is  done  as  follows.  After 
bathing  the  image  of  Poleramma,  a  procession  is  formed,  led  by 
the  Madiga  asadi  or  story  teller,  a  village  servant  called  a  yetti, 
and  a  washerman.  Taking  new  pots  these  three  go  about  the 
village  from  house  to  house  announcing  the  coming  jatara.  At 
each  house  they  receive  a  small  amount  of  food  and  buttermilk, 
which  later  they  divide  among  themselves.  They  then  go  to  the 
centre  of  the  village,  and  taking  a  new  pot  they  place  in  it  one- 
fourth  of  an  anna,^  some  turmeric,  charcoal,  and  rice.  The  asadi 
now  tells  the  story  of  Poleramma,  describing  her  powers  and  the 
dangers  which  may  come  from  neglecting  her.  The  people  become 
much  wrought  up,  and  make  vow^s  to  her  to  be  fulfilled  at  the  time 
of  the  jatara.  The  pot  is  then  tied  to  a  tree  and  left  until  the 
time  of  worship. 

The  jatara  itself,  or  festival,  usually  occupies  four  days."  On 
the  first  day  the  pot  is  taken  from  the  tree  and  carried  in  proces- 
sion through  the  village,  accompanied  by  the  beating  of  drums. 

"  Jatara  is  a  Dravidian  word  meaning  originally  a  tumult  or  noisy  dis- 
turbance. Tirunalla  is  also  a  Dravidian  word  meaning  literally  "  good 
days."  It  is  used  also  for  the  festivals  of  the  gods.  I  find  that  there  is 
much  confusion  in  the  minds  of  the  people  as  to  the  use  of  these  words. 
One  will  say  that  the  festival  is  a  jatara,  and  another  that  the  same  festival 
is  a  tirunalla.  The  most  common  distinction  is  that  a  tirunalla  is  the 
general  merry-making  part,  and  the  jatara  is  the  time  of  bloody  propitia- 
tion. Tirunalla  is  often  used  of  the  worship  of  the  Hindu  gods,  but  jatara 
never  is. 

^  An  anna  is  equal  to  one  penny  or  two  cents. 

"^  For  a  full  description  of  the  worship  of  Peddamma,  which  is  very 
similar,  see  Bishop  Whitehead's  account  in  Madras  Government  Museum, 
Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  pp.  129  ff. ;  also  Kurnool  District  Manual,  1880,  Sec.  II, 
pp.  150-156. 


22  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

As  it  is  carried  past  each  house  the  inmates  come  out  and  bow 
in  worship  before  it.  All  the  people  then  bring  pots  of  food,  and 
going  to  the  house  of  the  head  man  of  the  shepherd  caste,  they 
spread  leaf-plates  and  make  an  offering  of  food.  The  asadi 
summons  all  the  elders  to  witness,  calling  each  one  by  name,  and 
publicly  announces  the  various  vows  made  to  Poleramma.  A  sheep 
is  then  sacrificed  to  seal  the  promises  made  in  the  vows.  Once 
again  the  procession  forms  and  the  pot  is  carried  around  the 
village,  food  being  collected  at  each  house.  The  asadi  chants 
the  stories  of  the  gods  as  they  go,  telling  of  their  various  wars 
and  exploits,  in  order  to  arouse  the  people  to  take  a  proper  part 
in  the  worship.  After  collecting  the  food  the  procession  goes 
outside  the  village  to  the  temple  of  Poleramma.  The  temple  is 
purified  with  various  ceremonies,  Poleramma  is  bathed,  and  the 
pot  of  food  and  some  ofiferings  are  placed  before  her. 

The  procession  now  forms  anew  and  goes  to  the  water,  a  well 
or  irrigation  tank,  where  the  royal  stafif  and  the  snake's  hood^  have 
been  kept  in  water  over  night.  These  are  taken  from  the  water, 
and  carried  to  the  temple,  after  a  sheep  has  been  offered.  After 
placing  the  royal  staff  and  snake's  hood  beside  Poleramma  in  the 
temple  another  sheep  is  offered,  and  this  usually  completes  the 
ceremonies  of  the  first  day. 

On  the  second  day  there  are  still  more  processions  about  the 
village,  and  food  is  offered  in  front  of  the  house  of  another  shep- 
herd. A  sheep  is  sacrificed,  and  story  telling  continues  as  on  the 
first  day.  The  third  day  they  start  the  procession  earlier,  and 
more  food  is  collected.  Those  who  collect  the  food  eat  it  them- 
selves, after  offering  it  to  the  goddess,  so  this  part  of  the  cere- 
monies is  not  neglected.  In  the  afternoon  all  the  people  leave 
their  houses,  and  going  to  some  suitable  spot  outside  the  village 
near  the  temple  of  Poleramma,  they  cook  food,  and  eat  it  after 
offering  it  to  Poleramma. 

The  merry-making  part  of  the  festival  now  takes  place.  The 
villagers  bring  their  carts  and  oxen,  the  carts  being  gaily  decorated 
for  the  occasion,  and  form  a  procession  to  go  around  the  temple. 
Some  people,  especially  children,  ride  in  the  carts  and  think  this 

^  For  meaning  of  these  emblems  see  page  83. 


The  Seven  Sisters  23 

is  great  sport.  There  is  a  definite  order  for  the  carts,  according 
to  the  wealth  of  the  owner,  and  his  standing  in  the  community. 
At  times,  when  the  number  of  carts  is  large,  there  is  great  con- 
fusion, and  the  beating  of  drums  and  shouting  of  the  people  make 
the  oxen  frantic.     Accidents  appear  to  be  rare,  however.^ 

After  the  procession  of  carts,  the  people  bring  sheep,  goats, 
and  chickens  and  oiTer  them  to  Poleramma,  carrying  away  the 
carcasses  to  be  eaten  later.  This  ends  the  ceremonies  of  the  third 
day. 

The  fourth  day  is  the  greatest  day  of  the  festival,  and  has  the 
most  repulsive  features  of  any  part  of  the  ceremonies.  A  great 
heap  of  boiled  cholam,  kaffir  corn,  is  poured  out  before  the  goddess, 
and  then  the  bufifalo"  sacrifice  is  brought.  The  story  tellers  re- 
count the  deeds  of  heroes,  and  get  the  people  into  a  high  state 
of  excitement.  The  drums  are  then  beaten  loudly,  while  men 
seize  the  buffalo  by  head  and  body,  pulling  on  it  so  that  the  neck 
is  strained  tight.  The  pujari  blesses  the  sword  and  hands  it  to 
the  executioner,  usually  a  Madiga.  He  worships  the  sword, 
bowing  to  the  ground  before  it,  then  with  one  stroke  he  severs  the 
head  from  the  body.^^  The  head  is  then  placed  before  Poleramma, 
and  one,  or  cjuite  commonly,  both  front  legs  are  cut  off  at  the 
knee  and  placed  crosswise  in  the  mouth  of  the  buffalo.  Some  of 
the  fat  is  taken  from  the  abdomen  of  the  buffalo  and  spread 
over  its  eyes,  and  a  wick  placed  in  a  small  vessel  of  oil  is  lighted 
and  placed  on  the  head.  This  oil  that  is  burned  is  supposed  to  be 
from  the  fat  of  the  buffalo,  but  this  rule  does  not  seem  to  be  com- 
monly observed. 

Water  is  then  poured  over  the  blood,  and  later  it  is  well  cov- 

®  At  one  time  I  witnessed  a  procession  in  which  the  leg  of  an  ox  was 
broken. 

10  The  Indian  buffalo,  Bos  biibalus.  The  buffalo  offered  is  usually  a 
small  one,  perhaps  a  year  old. 

11  It  is  said  that  the  executioner  is  allowed  three  strokes,  and  if  more 
are  required  the  offering  is  not  acceptable.  If  the  buffalo  is  small,  one 
stroke  usually  suffices,  but  with  a  large  animal  I  have  seen  most  dis- 
tressing scenes  when  many  blows  were  required.  There  was  no  evidence 
in  these  cases  that  the  offering  was  not  acceptable.  The  requirement 
seemed  to  be  that  the  animal  must  stand  until  the  head  falls,  and  I  have 
seen  it  held  up  by  poles  until  the  neck  was  severed. 


24  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

ered  with  earth  from  fear  lest  some  of  it  should  be  carried  to 
another  village,  as  this  would  destroy  the  efficacy  of  the  sacrifice. 
Later  the  outcastes  remove  the  body  of  the  buffalo,  which  comes 
to  them  as  a  part  of  their  pay  for  the  work  of  the  day. 

At  the  close  of  the  worship  of  Poleramma,  a  sheep  is  offered  to 
Potu  Razu,  and  some  of  the  food  is  poured  out  before  him.  He 
is  then  requested  to  guard  the  village,  and  the  ceremonies  come 
to  an  end. 

Potu  Razu  is  represented  by  a  small  stone  placed  at  some  dis- 
tance from  the  shrine  of  Poleramma.  Bishop  Whitehead  says 
of  him  :^-  "  Potu  Razu  is  a  mysterious  person  in  the  Telugu  coun- 
try; sometimes  he  is  described  as  the  brother,  sometimes  as  the 
husband  of  the  village  goddess,  and  sometimes  as  only  an  attend- 
ant. Once  I  was  told  that  he  was  the  devil's  younger  brother, 
and  occasionally  the  villagers  seem  to  think  that  the  less  said 
about  him  the  better.  But  I  have  never  met  with  him  as  an  inde- 
pendent deity,  and  have  always  been  told  that  sacrifice  is  never 
offered  to  him  alone,  but  always  in  conjunction  with  one  or  more 
of  the  goddesses." 

Ankamma.  This  goddess  has  much  in  common  with  Poler- 
amma. She  is  usually  represented  by  a  stone  image  in  a  little 
temple  outside  the  village.  Sometimes  the  image  has  some  re- 
semblance to  a  human  form,  but  often  it  is  an  unhewn  stone. 
In  addition  to  this  usual  position,  Ankamma  is  often  a  household 
god.^*  When  she  is  worshiped  as  a  household  goddess  she  is  rep- 
resented by  a  pot  in  which  are  some  shells,  little  earthen  mugs, 
and  other  similar  articles.  The  shells  represent  the  teeth  of  devils, 
and  the  pots  represent  the  food  which  they  desire. 

The  worship  of  Ankamma  as  a  village  goddess  is  much  the 
same  as  that  of  Poleramma,  and  so  need  not  be  described  in  detail. 
It  is  more  bloody,  however,  and  seems  to  increase  in  fervor  and 
cruelty  during  the  five  days  which  it  usually  continues.  On  the 
first  day  three  buffalos  and  three  sheep  are  sacrificed,  the  blood 

"^-Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  in. 
13  Any  god  may  become  a  household  god,  but  Ankamma  seems  to  be 
the  one  most  commonly  chosen. 


The  Seven  Sisters  25 

being  poured  out  before  Ankamma.  At  this  time  the  drum  beaters 
and  horn  blowers  make  a  great  tumult.  The  excitement  increases 
as  the  tumult  grows  louder,  and  the  people  leap  and  dance  as  if 
possessed  by  demons. 

On  the  fourth  day,  in  memory  of  Papanooka,  whose  story  will 
be  told  later,^*  a  man  disguised  as  a  woman  carries  a  paper  balloon 
in  procession  on  the  end  of  a  long  pole.  Above  the  balloon  is  a  pot 
and  above  that  a  drinking  cup,  while  the  royal  staff  and  snake  hood 
are    carried   behind   accompanied   by   drumming   and   shouting.^^ 

On  the  last  day  the  cruel  features  of  the  worship  take  place. 
The  village  carpenter  prepares  a  rude  cart  on  which  are  set  stakes 
sharply  pointed  at  the  upper  end.  The  usual  number  of  stakes 
is  nine.  On  these  are  impaled  alive  a  goat,  a  pig,  a  lamb,  a  chicken, 
and  other  small  animals.  Then  the  story-teller  drinks  the  blood  of 
a  sheep,  sometimes  severing  the  jugular  vein  with  his  teeth,  and 
disguised  as  a  woman  mounts  to  the  top  of  the  cart.  Here  sitting 
on  a  board  prepared  for  him,  he  rides  to  Ankamma's  temple  in  the 
midst  of  the  suffering  animals.  The  cart  is  drawn  with  great 
tumult  by  the  Madigas  and  Malas,  while  the  crowd  follows  with 
beating  of  drums  and  great  excitement.  After  they  have  arrived 
at  the  temple  a  live  sheep  is  impaled  on  a  stake  set  for  that  purpose 
in  the  ground  in  front  of  the  temple. ^^  All  of  these  animals  of 
course  die  in  their  agonies. 

The  usual  explanation  of  the  impaling  of  the  animals  is  that 
Ankamma  enters  the  man  who  is  disguised  as  a  woman,  and  is 

!•*  See  page  98. 

15  The  story  tellers  in  the  worship  of  Ankamma  are  called  pambala 
vandlu.  They  are  Malas.  The  Madiga  asadis — who  are  the  story-tellers 
for  Poleramma  and  the  most  of  these  gods — would  not  be  allowed  to  tell 
the  story  of  Ankamma. 

16  Oppert,  Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  479,  tells  of  another  cruel 
practice  in  the  worship  of  Mariamman,  when  live  chickens  are  thrown 
among  the  crowd  from  the  temple.  The  people  catch  them  and  tear  them 
to  pieces  as  they  fall.  It  is  claimed  that  the  impaling  ceremony  is  un- 
common now,  and  that  the  legs  of  the  sheep  are  tied  together  and  simply 
hooked  over  the  impaling  stake.  There  is  much  reason  to  believe,  how- 
ever, that  the  impaling  still  goes  on,  especially  in  out  of  the  way  places, 


26  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

propitiated  by  this  sufifering  and  shedding  of  blood.  After  these 
horrible  ceremonies  are  over,  food  is  poured  out  before  the 
goddess.  The  people  then  eat,  and  the  festival  closes  with  the 
usual  procession  of  carts  about  the  temple. ^^ 

AIuTHYALAMMA.  The  worship  of  this  goddess  is  much  the 
same  as  that  of  Poleramma.  In  the  jatara  for  Muthyalamma 
which  the  writer  was  able  to  observe,^*  a  temporary  clay  image  was 
used  to  represent  the  goddess,  as  her  own  temple  and  image  were 
at  some  distance.  This  temporary  image  was  afterwards  left 
to  be  trampled  under  foot.  The  object  of  the  worship  at  this 
time  was  to  bring  rain.  Three  buffalos  and  a  large  number  of 
sheep,  goats,  and  chickens  were  offered. 

In  a  case  like  this,  where  more  than  one  buffalo  is  oft"ered,  the 
one  first  slain  is  the  real  buffalo  sacrifice,  which  is  so  constant  a 
feature  in  the  worship  of  these  gods.  The  remaining  buffalos, 
like  the  other  animals,  are  usually  given  by  individuals  in  payment 
of  vows.  The  one  main  buffalo  sacrifice  in  which  the  head  is 
placed  before  the  idol,  is  an  essential  of  a  jafara.  This  sacrifice 
is  for  the  entire  village.     Other  offerings  are  optional. 

DiLLi  PoLASi.  This  goddess  also  is  both  a  village  and  a  house- 
hold deity.  As  a  household  goddess  she  is  represented  by  a 
number  of  pots  placed  one  on  top  of  another,  the  largest  at  the 
bottom,  and  hung  in  a  network  of  rope.  These  pots  are  very 
commonly  seen  in  any  village  house. 

The  household  worship  is  simple.  Usually  the  mother  of  the 
wife  of  the  household  will  send  new  clothes  to  her  daughter  and 
son-in-law.  They  put  these  on,  tie  the  ends  together,  and  sit 
near  the  household  god,  while  the  village  story-teller,  dressed 
as  a  Brahman,  gives  a  forecast  of  the  coming  year,  the  rain,  the 
crops,  the  prosperity  of  the  farm  and  herds.  He  imitates  a  Brah- 
man in  reading  their  horoscopes,  and  the  prophecy  is  usually  a 
favorable  one.  The  husband  and  wife  are  then  remarried.  The 
wife  removes  her  tali  hottu,  or  marriage  symbol,  which  is  worn 
around  her  neck.     The  story-teller,  now  acting  as  priest,   fur- 

!■'■  Ankamma  is  also  called  Ankallamma.     In  Tamil  she  is  Angaramma. 
18  In  Ramapatnam,  May,  1907.     Muthyalamma  is  the  village  goddess  of 
Ramapatnain. 


PLATE   IV 


THE    SACRED   MUGGU 

These  muggtis  are  in  preparation  for  a  feast,  and  are  not  so  much  for  use  in  the 
worship  as  for  ornament.  The  miiggus  described  in  the  text  are  of  the  same  nature, 
but  not  often  so  large.  Those  designed  for  ornament  are  made  by  the  women  of  the 
household,  and  not  by  a  priest.     The  picture  is  of  a  Brahman  home. 


I'Rl-.l'ARIXC.    THE     SACKll-ICIAL     FE.\ST 

This  is  the  feast  which  is  eaten  in  connection  with  the  worship  of  Dravidian 
deities.  It  is  prepared  in  a  grove.  The  sheep  is  decorated  with  leaves  as  an  offering 
to  the  goddess.     It  will  he  killed  before  the  idol   and  afterwards  will  be  eaten. 


The  Seven  Sisters  27 

nishes  a  new  string,  and  her  husband  again  ties  it  around  her  neck 
as  he  did  on  the  first  wedding  day.  They  then  worship  DilU 
Polasi,  eat  together,  and  this  rather  pleasing  ceremony  is  at  an 
end. 

The  public  worship  of  Dilli  Polasi  is  more  often  engaged  in 
by  one  family,  or  a  group  of  related  families,  than  by  all  the  vil- 
lage. For  this  worship  an  earthen  image  is  made,  which  is  after- 
wards allowed  to  fall  to  pieces  in  sun  and  rain.  The  head  of 
the  worshiping  family  acts  as  priest.  The  pots  and  ropes  are 
taken  to  the  water,  and  after  ceremonies  for  purification,  are 
left  there  all  night,  a  watch  having  been  placed  to  see  that  they 
are  not  molested  or  defiled. 

In  the  morning  the  head  of  the  family  summons  all  of  the 
relatives.  A  sheep  is  sacrificed,  and  then  they  go  to  the  water. 
Here  they  make  the  imiggiO-^  on  the  ground  and  sacrifice  another 
sheep.  The  ropes  and  pots  are  then  taken  from  the  water  and 
carried  in  procession  through  the  village.  When  the  house  is 
reached  another  sheep  is  sacrificed.  The  executioner  cuts  its 
throat  and  then  taking  it  by  the  rear  legs,  he  swings  it  around 
several  times.  This  is  an  offering  to  the  evil  spirits  which  may 
be  hovering  about  in  the  air.  It  is  hoped  that,  satisfied  with 
the  gift,  they  will  not  attempt  to  enter  the  house. 

The  people  then  enter  the  house  and  worship  the  earthen  image 
of  Dilli  Polasi.  The  story-telling  begins,  and  if  the  family  is 
able  to  hire  a  story-teller  of  ability,  it  may  continue  for  several 
days,  much  to  the  delight  of  the  entire  community. 

Bangaramma.  This  goddess  does  not  seem  to  be  so  important 
as  some  of  her  sisters.  Very  commonly  she  has  no  temple  of 
her  own,  but  her  image  is  placed  in  the  temple  of  Poleramma. 
At  times  she  has  a  smaller  temple  near  that  of  Poleramma,  and 
receives  a  small  share  of  the  worship  when  that  goddess  is  pro- 
pitiated. 

19  A  muggn  is  a  pattern  of  various  designs  commonly  drawn  before 
the  doors  of  houses  for  ornamentation.  It  is  made  with  lime  or  rice  flour 
which  the  women  sift  through  their  fingers  very  deftly  in  making  the 
pattern.  The  same  name  is  given  to  a  sacred  pattern  which  is  used  in 
many  parts  of  the  worship,  especially  in  exorcism  of  devils,  as  will  be  seen 
later.     This  sacred  muggii  is  made  by  the  one  officiating  as  priest. 


28  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

The  worship  of  Bangaramma  has  much  in  common  with  that 
of  Poleramma.  It  begins,  however,  very  mildly.  There  may  be 
some  connection  between  the  name  Bangaramma,  meaning  "  the 
golden  one,"  and  her  mild  nature.  The  first  day  the  children  are 
treated  to  sweetmeats,  and  have  a  general  good  time.  After  this 
pleasant  beginning,  however,  the  people  seem  to  forget  that  she 
is  different  from  the  others,  and  the  jatara  increases  in  intensity 
until  it  comes  to  resemble  that  of  the  other  goddesses. 

The  buffalo  sacrifice  takes  place  on  the  third  day.  After  the 
severed  head  is  placed  before  Bangaramma,  water  is  poured  over 
it  until  the  head  is  said  to  jump.  This  indicates  that  the  sacri- 
fice is  acceptable  to  Bangaramma,  and  the  people  dance  like  de- 
mons while  the  drums  and  horns  keep  up  the  wildest  din. 

A  strange  custom  is  now  observed.  The  Madigas,  who  are 
outcastes,  begin  to  revile  the  caste  people,  using  the  vilest  lan- 
guage. They  certainly  are  adepts  at  invective,  and  make  good 
use  of  their  opportunity.  The  caste  people  not  only  expect  this 
berating,  but  demand  it.  If  the  IMadigas  show  any  reluctance  to 
begin,  the  caste  people  will  beat  them  with  ropes  and  sticks  to 
compel  them  to  perform  their  duty.  No  doubt  the  Madigas  get 
a  good  deal  of  satisfaction  out  of  this  privilege  and  pay  off  many 
an  old  score,  for  they  are  in  the  position  of  serfs  to  the  higher 
castes,  and  often  suffer  a  good  deal  of  oppression. 

Math  AM  MA  and  Matangi.  Mathamma  is  the  especial  goddess 
of  the  Madigas.  While  all  castes  have  much  fear  of  her,  and 
contribute  to  her  worship,  caste  distinctions  prevent  any  but 
Madigas  from  taking  an  active  part  in  the  ceremonies.  As  the 
Madigas  are  usually  very  poor,  her  worship  is  not  so  extensive 
or  elaborate  as  that  of  the  other  goddesses.  She  is  represented 
by  a  small  stone  image  in  a  very  poor  shrine.-'^ 

In  preparation  for  the  jatara  a  small  buffalo  is  procured  and 
then  turned  loose  until  the  appointed  day.     The  image  is  then 

20  There  is  an  occasional  exception.  In  Kavili,  Nellore  District,  the 
temple  of  Mathamma  is  equal  to  many  small  Hindu  temples.  The 
Madigas  contracted  a  heavy  debt  with  the  Sudras  to  build  it,  and  this  they 
have  not  been  able  to  pay,  and  probably  never  will  pay,  the  Sudras  being 
satisfied  to  have  the  Madigas  in  their  power  because  of  this  debt.  In 
Kandukuru  also  the  temple  to  Mathamma  is  a  large  one. 


The  Seven  Sisters  29 

given  a  bath,  a  sheep  is  offered,  and  there  is  the  usual  buft'alo 
sacrifice  with  the  ceremonies  already  described.  On  the  last  day 
the  pujari,  who  is  always  a  Madiga,  takes  a  fowl,  cuts  oft"  its 
head  before  the  idol,  and,  holding  it  by  the  legs,  brushes  away  the 
muggii,  or  sacred  marks  before  the  idol,  thus  removing  the  last 
vestiges  of  the  evil  which  may  come  from  Mathamma. 

But  Mathamma  has  another  form  which  is  far  more  important, 
and  this  is  as  a  Matangi.  A  Matangi  is  a  Madiga  woman  who 
is  supposed  to  be  possessed  with  the  spirit  of  Mathamma.  She  is 
one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  this  Dravidian  worship, 
and  later  the  stories  concerning  her  origin  will  be  given  at  some 
length.^^ 

The  selection  of  a  new  Matangi  is  an  important  ceremony. 
The  Matangi  holds  her  position  for  life,  and  her  successor  is 
usually  not  chosen  until  after  her  death.  One  method  of  making 
the  choice  is  to  bring  all  the  unmarried  girls  of  the  village  before 
the  shrine  of  Mathamma.  Songs  are  then  sung,  drums  are 
beaten  loudly,  and  the  goddess  is  invoked  to  descend  upon  the 
chosen  one.  Soon  one  of  the  girls  will  act  as  if  possessed  with 
the  spirit,  and  it  is  understood  that  the  choice  has  fallen  on  her. 

There  are  other  ordeals  for  the  new  Matangi  to  pass.  The 
test  appears  to  be  that  she  shall  be  able  to  control  herself  when 
the  possession  comes  upon  her.  She  is  seated  on  the  sacred 
muggu  beside  a  pot  of  buttermilk,  and  four  other  pots  of  butter- 
milk are  placed  around  her.  Strings  are  tied  from  the  pots  to 
the  roof  so  close  to  the  girl  that  if  she  moves  she  will  spill  the 
buttermilk.  Then  the  possession  is  invoked.  If  she  passes  this 
test  successfully  she  is  invested  with  the  insignia  of  her  position, 
a  basket  or  sieve,  a  snake-headed  bamboo  stick,  a  bunch  of  mar- 
gosa  leaves,  and  a  rope  with  cowrie  shells  attached. 

There  are  many  variations  in  these  ceremonies.^-  At  times  if 
a  woman  simply  sits  apart  and  acts  strangely,  they  say  the  pos- 
session is  coming  upon  her  and  they  put  her  through  the  tests. 
In  the  village  of  Chendulur  the  custom  is  to  dig  out  an  ant-hill 

21  See  page  97. 

-2  E.  R.  Clough,  While  Sewing  Sandals,  pp.  62  sq. ;  E.  Thurston,  Castes 
and  Tribes  of  Soutliern  India,  IV,  pp.  303  sq. 

3 


30  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

and  seat  the  girl  in  the  excavation  with  a  basket  turned  bottom 
side  up  over  her.  The  havancedu-^  then  begins  the  story-telHng, 
relating  the  deeds  of  former  ^latangis.  When  the  possession 
comes  upon  the  girl  she  leaps  from  the  ant-hill,  tossing  the  basket 
aside,  and  is  then  acclaimed  the  chosen  jNIatangi.  None  of  these 
tests  would  seem  to  be  very  conclusive. 

The  centre  of  the  Matangi  worship  is  in  a  village  called  Alalin- 
thapadu,  near  Cumbum  in  the  Kurnool  District.  Here  every 
Matangi  must  come  for  final  initiation.  The  expenses  are  heavy, 
and  must  be  borne  by  the  JMatangi  or  those  sending  her.  There 
will  be  much  profit  to  her  later  by  the  gifts  she  receives  in  the 
exercise  of  her  ofifice,  so  the  expenses  are  gladly  met. 

The  initiation  is  performed  by  Brahmans,  and  appears  to  be 
simple.  The  candidates  are  placed  in  a  row  before  the  goddess 
Ellamma,  who  is  supposed  to  be  the  original  form  of  Mathamma. 
Their  faces  are  marked  with  sacred  symbols  similar  to  those  on 
the  face  of  the  goddess,  after  which  a  buffalo  is  killed  as  an  offer- 
ing to  Ellamma.  These  ceremonies  continue  for  five  days,  when 
the  spirit  of  Ellamma  is  said  to  have  fully  come  upon  the  Matan- 
gis.     The  candidates  are  then  sent  away. 

One  other  ceremony  is  performed  usually  in  the  native  village 
of  the  Alatangi.  This  is  some  form  of  a  marriage.-*  Usually  she 
is  married  to  a  tree,  and  it  is  only  a  matter  of  form.  After  that 
her  life  knows  no  moral  restrictions. 

The  ]Matangi  is  Mathamma  or  Ellamma  incarnate,  and  yet  it 
does  not  appear  that  she  is  worshiped.  She  takes,  however,  a 
most  important  part  in  the  cult  of  the  village  gods.  If  there  is 
no  local  IMatangi,  often  one  is  brought  from  a  distance.  She 
marches  behind  the  master  of  ceremonies  in  the  procession,  and 
when  her  time  comes   she  becomes  possessed  by   the  spirit   of 

23  More  commonly  called  bainedu.  The  asadis  have  no  part  here. 
There  is  still  another  division  of  the  Madiga  story-tellers  called  kommii 
vandlu,  horn-blowers.  They  recite  the  Shepherds'  Purana,  but  do  not  in- 
fringe on   the   duties  of   either  asadis   or   haiiiedus. 

2*  E.  Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  pp.  296,  304, 
thinks  she  is  not  married.  This  is  probably  true  so  far  as  being  married 
to  a  man  is  concerned.  E.  R.  Clough,  ]VhUe  Sewing  Sandals,  p.  74,  points 
out  that  she  is  married  to  a  tree. 


The  Seven  Sisters  31 

Mathamma.  She  then  runs  about  among  the  people,  touching  them 
with  her  stick,  spurting  toddy  from  her  mouth  over  them,  and 
backing  up  against  them,  all  the  time  uttering  strange  wild  cries. 
Not  only  the  !Madigas,  but  the  higher  castes,  even  Brahmans, 
stand  in  line,  as  anxious  to  be  spat  upon  and  touched  by  her 
stick  and  her  person  as  are  the  lowest.  There  is  a  current  story 
of  a  rajah  who  was  omitted  by  the  Matangi,  she  thinking  that  he 
was  too  great  for  her  humiliating  ceremonies,  but  he  insisted 
upon  sharing  the  blessing. 

At  some  parts  of  the  ceremony  she  speaks  things  that  are  well 
understood.  As  she  rushes  about  spitting  on  those  who  under 
ordinary  circumstances  would  almost  choose  death  rather  than  to 
suffer  such  pollution  from  a  Madiga,  she  breaks  into  wild,  ex- 
ulting songs,  telling  of  the  humiliation  to  which  she  is  subjecting 
the  proud  caste  people.  She  also  abuses  them  all  thoroughly, 
and  as  in  the  worship  of  Bangaramma,  they  appear  to  expect  it 
and  not  to  be  satisfied  without  a  full  measure  of  her  invective. 

After  this  ceremony  she  visits  the  homes  of  the  Brahmans,-^ 
and  the  visit  does  not  appear  to  be  a  pleasant  one  for  them.  She 
comes  into  the  courtyard  and  smears  a  spot  with  cow-dung,  on 
which  she  places  her  basket.  The  inmates  of  the  house  at  once 
fill  the  basket  with  food  and  cover  the  top  with  a  layer  of  pow- 
dered rice.  Then  a  small  lamp  is  placed  on  top  of  this  and  lighted^ 
This  appears  to  be  the  nearest  approach  to  worship  the  Matangil 
receives.  She  then  holds  out  a  pot  and  asks  for  toddy.  Water- 
is  usually  brought  instead  and  filling  her  mouth  with  this  she 
again  goes  through  the  process  of  spattering  them  all.  The 
women  give  her  their  bodices,  and  the  head  woman  of  the  house 
gives  her  the  cloth  which  she  is  wearing.  The  men  give  her 
their  sacred  threads.  She  then  leaves  the  place,  still  singing  her 
wild  songs  telling  of  the  humiliation  to  which  she  has  reduced 
the  Brahmans. -'' 

25  E.  Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  p.  297. 

2«  Thurston  thinks  but  few  Brahman  famihes  now  acknowledge  this 
allegiance  to  Matangi;  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  p.  297. 
So  far  as  I  can  find,  Brahmans  are  loth  to  acknowledge  any  connection 
with  the  Matangi,  but  some  form  of  tribute  to  her  seems  very  general. 


32  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

Renuka.  Although  this  goddess  is  enumerated  often  as  one 
of  the  Seven  Sisters,  she  appears  to  have  no  separate  worship 
or  temple.  Her  history  is  much  connected  with  the  origins  of  all 
the  other  goddesses,  and  will  be  given  later.-" 

When  other  goddesses  are  named  as  composing  the  group  of 
the  Seven  Sisters,  the  worship  and  ceremonies  are  much  the  same 
as  that  which  has  been  given.-®  None  of  the  ceremonies  are 
without  many  variations,  but  the  main  features  are  always  much 
the  same.  The  meaning  and  origin  of  these  rites  will  be  dealt 
with  later. 

2"  See  page  83. 

28  The  District  Manual  of  Kurnool  District,  150  sq.,  gives  a  full  ac- 
count of  ceremonies  connected  with  the  jatara  of  Peddamma  or  Sunkal- 
lamma.  All  the  ceremonies  given  in  this  chapter  appear  to  be  present,  and 
also  a  good  deal  which  belongs  to  demon  and  sakti  worship. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Perantalu  Worship 

A  Perantalu  is  a  woman  whose  husband  is  still  living.  She  is 
also  described  as  a  lucky  woman  or  a  woman  who  has  attained 
merit.  This  honorable  name  is  extended  to  a  woman  who  has 
been  a  faithful  wife,  has  borne  children,  and  has  died  before  her 
husband.  When  the  name  is  given  to  a  woman  who  has  died, 
she  becomes  an  object  of  worship.  How  this  comes  about  will 
be  described  in  a  later  chapter.^ 

Tlie  origin  of  a  Perantalu  being  of  a  pleasant  nature,  the  wor- 
ship is  usually  somewhat  milder  than  that  of  other  similar  local 
deities.  The  following  ilhistrations  will  show  the  character  of 
the  worship  given  to  a  Perantalu. 

In  Matsavaram,  in  the  Kandukuru  Taluq-  of  the  Nellore  Dis- 
trict, there  were  at  one  time  two  women  who  were  very  benevo- 
lent, their  chief  work  being  the  gift  of  a  large  irrigation  tank  to 
the  village.  They  were  mother-in-law  and  daughter-in-law. 
After  both  had  died  they  were  called  Perantalus,  and  as  such 
have  been  worshiped  ever  since.  They  are  represented  by  two 
ungraven  stone  images  over  which  no  temple  has  been  built. 

There  is  a  yearly  festival  for  these  goddesses,  and  as  in  this 
village  there  is  no  famine  because  of  the  good  tank,  the  wor- 
ship takes  the  form  of  making  votive  offerings  rather  than  of 
propitiation.  One  peculiar  feature  is  that  new  clothes  are  tied 
upon  the  idols.  These  clothes  are  later  appropriated  by  the  pujari. 
Probably  because  these  deities  were  once  human  women,  this 
desire  for  new  garments  is  attributed  to  them.  Many  people  give 
these  clothes  in  fulfillment  of  vows.  There  is  the  usual  feasting 
and  drawing  of  decorated  carts  around  the  temple.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  worship  many  of  the  common  features  of  a  jatara 
appear.  There  are  blood  offerings,  but  they  are  not  so  repellent 
as  in  many  other  cases.     A  buffalo  is  beheaded,  but  the  legs  are 

1  Chapter  VIII,  pages  62  sq. 

2  A  taluq  corresponds  to  a  county. 

33 


34  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

not  placed  in  its  mouth,  and  the  head  with  a  Hght  burning  on  it  is 
simply  left  as  an  offering. 

The  object  of  this  worship  appears  to  be  somewhat  confused  in 
the  minds  of  the  people.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  these  benevo- 
lent women  could  have  become  deities  who  desire  blood  offerings. 
It  is  probable  that  the  originally  simple  worship  has  been  added 
to,  and  that,  without  much  thought  of  the  nature  of  these  god- 
desses, the  usual  exercises  for  the  malevolent  deities  are  per- 
formed. 

Buchamma  is  the  name  of  another  Perantalu.  She  enjoys 
an  annual  festival  lasting  three  days.  Here  again  we  may  see  a 
combination  of  saint-worship  and  demon-worship.  In  this  case 
the  buft'alo  sacrifice  is  omitted,  but  on  the  last  day  of  the  festival 
a  sheep  is  killed  in  front  of  the  image  so  that  it  may  see  the 
blood  flow.  This  may  be  from  fear  that  Buchamma,  like  other 
village  goddesses,  has  some  evil  propensities,  and  so  needs  pro- 
pitiation. More  probably,  as  in  the  case  of  the  worship  noted 
above,  this  is  simply  an  accretion  from  the  usual  Dravidian 
worship. 

In  Muppararazuvarepalem,  in  the  Darsi  Taluq  of  the  Nellore 
District,  there  is  a  Perantalu  called  Lingamma,  the  worship  of 
whom  appears  to  be  altogether  joyous.  There  are  no  blood 
oft'erings,  even  though  all  castes  worship  her.  The  chief  object 
of  the  worship  is  to  secure  offspring,  and  a  marriage  ceremony  is 
performed  between  Lingamma  and  her  husband.  Rice  is  poured 
over  the  heads  of  the  images,  as  is  done  for  the  bridal  pair  at  an 
ordinary  wedding,  and  many  offerings  are  made  in  fulfillment  of 
vows. 

In  Pokuru  of  the  Kandukuru  Taluq  a  Perantalu  bearing  the 
name  Usuramma  has  risen  to  the  position  of  the  village  god- 
dess. She  is  represented  by  a  rough  stone  image  in  a  rude 
temple  outside  the  village.  Her  worship  has  become  so  impor- 
tant, however,  that  another  image  of  metal  has  been  made  for 
her.  The  metal  image  is  for  use  in  processions,  and  is  kept  by 
the  Brahmans.     This  shows  the  influence  of  Hinduism,  for  the 


Perantalu  Worship  35 

Dravidian  method  would  be  to  make  an  earthen  image  for  the 
one  occasion  only. 

Usuramma  is  a  local  goddess,  and  yet  she  has  attained  such  a 
great  reputation  that  people  come  from  long  distances  to  worship 
her.  She  is  a  friendly,  benevolent  deity.  She  keeps  away  the 
evil  spirits  and  gives  good  crops. 

The  pujari  for  Usuramma  is  of  the  shepherd  caste.  Every 
week  he  brings  a  simple  offering  to  the  temple,  and  as  Usuramma 
was  an  industrious  woman,  and  still  works  for  the  villagers,  her 
clothes  need  changing ;  so  he  bathes  the  image,  smears  it  with 
saffron,  and  then  ties  on  a  clean  koka,  the  cloth  worn  by  the 
women. 

Apart  from  this  worship  there  is  informal  worship  by  individ- 
uals. When  any  trouble  appears  in  the  village,  the  women  af- 
fected by  it  make  vows  to  Usuramma,  which  are  to  be  paid  if 
she  removes  the  trouble.  The  vows  are  of  a  pleasing  nature, 
usually  being  promises  to  distribute  sweetmeats  to  the  children. 
When  such  a  vow  is  fulfilled  the  children  are  seated  in  front  of 
the  temple ;  they  wash  their  faces  and  anoint  themselves  with 
saffron,  and  then  receive  the  sweetmeats. 

The  annual  worship  of  Usuramma  is  a  more  elaborate  affair, 
and  as  the  expenses  connected  with  it  are  considerable,  it  is  often 
omitted  if  all  is  going  well  in  the  village.  At  least  once  in  three 
years,  however,  the  great  festival  takes  place. 

The  great  festival  usually  continues  for  five  days.  On  the 
first  day  there  are  processions ;  the  temple  is  circumambulated 
three  times,  and  all  night  long  the  story  tellers  stir  up  the  people 
with  the  tales  of  the  prowess  of  the  olden  times.  The  second 
day  is  a  day  of  feasting.  This  takes  place  under  a  sacred  jammi 
tree^  which  is  thought  to  be  the  habitation  of  spirits  and  demons. 
After  the  feast  there  is  story-telling  as  before.  The  third  day 
the  processions  and  story-telling  continue.  On  this  day  some 
male  member  of  the  priest's  family,  disguised  as  a  woman,  goes 
about  the  village  impersonating  Gangamma,  the  especial  goddess 

3  Mimosa  suma. 


36  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

of  the  shepherd  caste.  He  is  proceeded  by  a  Madiga  horn-blower, 
and  receives  many  offerings. 

The  fourth  day  the  interest  increases.  All  the  women  who 
have  made  vows,  fast  until  the  afternoon.  Then  kokas  are  spread 
from  each  house  door  to  the  centre  of  the  village,  and  the  women 
come  walking  on  these,  each  carrying  a  platter  of  well-prepared 
food  called  ugiinianchl  hliojanam.  After  all  have  come  to  the 
place  of  meeting  the  drums  beat  wildly,  horns  are  blown,  then 
the  chief  story-teller  steps  forward,  and  as  the  noise  lulls,  his  loud 
chanting  may  be  heard  as  he  tells  of  the  blood-stirring  deeds  of 
former  days. 

The  drums  beat  and  the  horns  blow  again,  and  the  people  dance 
in  a  frenzy  of  excitement.  One  of  the  story-tellers  now  steps 
forward  and  with  a  large  needle  pierces  the  skin  of  his  left  side, 
drawing  the  thread  through.  This  is  the  signal  for  other  men 
who  have  made  this  vow  to  do  the  same.  The  crowd  then  forms 
into  a  turbulent  procession,  and  carrying  the  oft'erings  proceeds 
to  the  temple  of  Usuramma.  As  the  people  advance  the  washer- 
men spread  kokas  for  them  to  walk  upon,  while  a  canopy  of 
similar  cloths  is  carried  over  those  who  have  made  vows. 

After  arriving  at  the  temple  they  march  around  it  three  times, 
still  walking  on  the  cloths.  Then  coming  before  the  idol,  all 
prostrate  themselves  and  worship  it.  Those  who  have  made 
vows  come  into  the  temple.  The  Brahman  and  shepherd  priests 
take  the  offerings  and  after  presenting  them  to  the  goddess,  re- 
serve them  for  their  own  use.  The  cloths  are  returned  to  those 
who  have  loaned  them  for  the  occasion. 

In  the  evening  the  people  of  the  shepherd  caste  observe  the 
doinadi,  or  marriage  feast,  in  which  only  married  people  whose 
partners  are  still  living  may  take  part.  This  takes  place  under 
the  janimi  tree.  Drums  are  beaten  to  keep  away  •  interfering 
spirits.  The  story-tellers,  in  this  case  the  komniu  vandlu  or  horn- 
blowers,  recite  the  Shepherds'  Purana,  and  at  the  close  of  each 
line  the  people  shout  and  throw  a  little  food  into  the  air  for  the 
spirits  and  demons. 

At  the  close  of  this  feast  a  sheep  is  turned  loose  and  all  run 


PLATE   V 


DR.W'IDIAN  TEMPLES 


These   temples   are   always  outside   a  village,    and  are   much   neglected   except   at   the 
times   when    a   jatara.    or    festival,    is   conducted. 


Peranfahi  Worship  37 

after  it.  It  is  the  prize  of  the  one  who  catches  it,  and  the  poor 
sheep  is  often  ahnost  torn  to  pieces.  The  common  explanation 
of  this  part  of  the  exercises  is  that  if  the  sheep  is  caught  it 
proves  the  truth  of  the  goddess.  More  probably,  however,  the 
custom  has  come  down  from  some  ancient  shepherd  rite.  At 
night  the  sports  continue,  people  disguising  themselves  as  Giri 
Razu  and  Renuka,  and  acting  some  of  the  scenes  in  the  Shep- 
herds' Purana.     Some  of  these  stories  will  be  given  later.* 

The  fifth  day  there  is  still  more  feasting,  then  the  carts  are 
drawn  around  the  temple.  After  this  occurs  the  hook-swinging 
ceremony,  which  appears  to  be  the  only  bloody  or  cruel  feature 
in  the  entire  festival.  A  goat  is  tied  up  to  the  end  of  a  long  pole, 
which  swings  horizontally  on  a  pivot  at  the  top  of  a  high  post. 
A  heavy  stone  is  tied  to  the  other  end  of  the  pole  to  balance  the 
goat.  A  man  is  then  tied  beneath  the  goat  and  both  are  swung 
round  and  round,  the  man  showering  down  betel  leaves  on  the 
people.  The  original  method  was  to  swing  the  man  up  with  the 
hooks  fastened  in  the  flesh  of  his  back.^  When  this  was  pro- 
hibited by  the  government  the  hooks  were  placed  in  the  flesh  of  a 
goat's  back.  This  is  now  also  prohibited,  and  so  both  are  tied  to 
the  pole.  The  placing  of  the  hooks  in  a  goat's  back  is  said  to  be 
still  very  common,  and  at  times  the  original  method  of  fixing 
them  in  a  man's  back  is  undoubtedly  carried  out,  if  the  poHce  are 
not  too  near.'' 

In  the  evening  the  sports  still  continue,  this  time  a  Madiga  be- 
ing disguised  as  a  warrior.  He  enacts  scenes  from  the  Purana, 
his  chief  feat  being  to  cut  off  a  pith  post  with  a  sword.  After 
this  he  leaps  and  dances  about  the  temple  while  the  shopkeepers 

*  See  pages  105  sq. 

^  Ward,  A  View  of  the  History,  Religion,  and  Literature  of  the  Hindus, 
London,  1818,  I,  p.  24,  tells  of  hook  swinging  to  Siva.  This  would  make 
still  more  certain  the  Dravidian  origin  of  Siva.       See  page  12. 

^  See  Oppert,  Original  InJiabitants  of  India,  pp.  477,  481.  On  hook- 
swinging  in  Madura  District,  Mrs.  J.  S.  Chandler  sends  the  following  in- 
teresting information.  "  Hook  swinging  was  done  in  honor  of  the  god- 
dess Mariamman,  goddess  of  smallpox  and  cholera.  The  swinging  took 
place  in  Sholanandan,  about  twelve  miles  from  Madura,  and  has  not  oc- 
curred since  1892.     In  J.  S.  Chandler's  Seventy- five  Years  in  the  Madura 


3  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

press  him  to  take  presents,  hoping  thus  to  secure  good  luck.  And 
so  comes  to  a  close  the  worship  of  Usuramma,  with  its  many 
sports  from  the  olden  times,  and  its  slight  touch  of  a  severer 
worship. 

Mission,  page  i6,  is  this  paragraph.  '  Hook  swinging  was  practised  in 
the  first  part  of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  1856  the  collector  forbade  it, 
but  it  was  revived  and  stopped  two  or  three  times  after  that.  In  1868 
it  was  publicly  revived  with  the  consent  of  the  government,  and  in  many 
places  was  celebrated  by  great  festivals  and  vast  crowds  of  spectators. 
It  so  happened,  however,  that  in  that  same  year  the  Governor  of  Madras, 
Lord  Napier  of  Merchistown,  visited  Madura.  Mr.  Chandler  secured 
the  knives  and  hooks  used  in  the  swinging  of  one  of  the  men,  and  showed 
them  to  His  Excellency.  This  led  to  the  suppression  of  the  practice  for 
the  time.  The  last  time  it  was  publicly  revived  in  the  District  was  in  the 
years   1891-2.' 

"  In  the  Madura  Gazetteer,  page  324,  Mr.  Francis  speaks  of  a  village  by 
the  name  of  Virapandi  where  there  is  a  shrine  to  Mariamman,  and  adds, 
'  Ward's  Survey  account  of  1821  says  that  in  those  days  hook-swinging 
took  place  at  this  shrine.  Another  village  in  the  district  where  the  cere- 
mony was  once  regularly  performed  is  Nallamaram  in  the  Tirumangalam 
taluq.  The  last  swinging  occurred  there  only  a  dozen  years  ago.'  This 
book  was  published  in  1906.  It  is  strange  that  the  author  did  not  know 
about  Sholanandan,  which  was  famous  for  this  ceremony. 

"  Mr.  Chandler  saw  the  last  hook-swinging.  The  man  did  not  seem  to 
mind  it,  and  when  he  was  let  down  said  he  would  go  around  again  if 
they  would  give  him  a  present !  While  the  man  was  swinging,  the  car  on 
which  the  swinging  pole  was  erected  was  dragged  around  the  temple. 
The  ceremony  has  not  taken  place  since  this  time.  It  was  performed  to 
get  rain,  good  crops,  and  general  prosperity.  The  man  was  chosen  by 
lot,  the  right  to  swing  being  confined  to  certain  families  only.  Young 
men  only  would  be  selected.  It  was  considered  an  honor  and  a  privilege 
to  be  chosen,  and  for  several  months  after  the  swinging  the  young  man 
received  money  from  bazaar  men  and  others  by  showing  the  knife  and 
hooks.  He  was  probably  under  the  influence  of  liquor  when  he  was 
swung." 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Saktis 

The  word  sakti  is  from  the  Sanskrit,  and  means  energy,  force, 
or  power.  In  Hinduism  it  is  used  to  express  the  energy  of  the 
gods  as  manifested  in  their  wives.  In  this  way  the  wives  of  the 
chief  Hindu  gods  have  come  to  be  cahed  Saktis.  Especially  is 
this  name  applied  to  Parvati,  wife  of  Siva.^ 

These  wives  of  the  gods  receive  worship,  but  there  has  arisen 
a  definite  worship  called  sakti  puja.  This  arises  from  the  Tan- 
tras,  which  are  later  than  the  Puranas.  The  object  of  the  wor- 
ship is  the  adoration  of  the  female  principle,  and  its  worst  orgies 
are  exceedingly  loathsome  and  immoral.-  These  orgies  are  con- 
ducted at  night  and  in  secret.  Few  Hindus  would  admit  that 
they  have  anything  to  do  with  them,  or  know  anything  about 
jakti  puja.^ 

There  is  still  a  third  use  of  the  word  sakti,  and  it  is  with  this 

1  W.  J.  Wilkins,  Hindu  Mythology.  Calcutta,  1882,  pp.  320  sq.  Motiier- 
Williams,  Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  London,  1891,  pp.  180  sq. 

2  The  subject  of  sakti  puja  is  dealt  with  in  all  works  on  Hinduism. 
For  further  information  see  J.  Campbell  Oman,  The  Brahmans,  Theists, 
■and  Muslims  of  India,  London,  1909,  pp.  26  sq. ;  W.  Ward,  A  View  of  the 
History,  Literature  and  Religions  of  the  Hindus,  London,  1818,  pp.  152, 
153,  232-234;  H.  H.  Wilson,  Essays  on  the  Religion  of  the  Hindus,  I,  pp. 
254-263 ;  W.  J.  Wilkins,  Modern  Hinduism.  Calcutta,  1900,  pp.  340  sq. ; 
J.  N.  Bhattacharjee,  Hindu  Castes  and  Sects,  pp.  407-413;  Monier- Wil- 
liams, Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  London,  1891,  Ch.  VII,  pp.  180  sq. ; 
Dubois,  Hindu  Manners,  Customs  and  Ceremonies,  Oxford,  1899,  pp.  288- 
2go;  J.  Ft.  Stacker,  The  Arsenal,  Madras,  1910,  pp.  80,  81;  J.  Murray 
Mitchell,  Hinduism,  Past  and  Present,  London,  1897,  Ch.  IX,  pp.  135  sq. ; 
E.  R.  Clough,  While  Sewing  Sandals,  New  York,  1899,  pp.  103  sq. 

3  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  207,  thinks  that  the 
-worst  forms  of  sakti  puja  are  dying  out.  Oman,  Brahmans,  Theists 
.and  Muslims,  p.  27,  thinks  that  the  rites  are  practised  secretly  by  a  great 
■number  of  people,  especially  Brahmans.  Shib  Chundur  Bose,  The  Hindus 
cs  They  Are,  Calcutta,  1883,  Appendix  D,  p.  317,  gives  a  full  description 
of  the  orgies,  which  he  thinks  are  not  dying  out. 

39 


40  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

form  of  sakti  worship  that  this  chapter  deals.  It  is  common  to- 
call  all  female  Dravidian  deities  Saktis.  It  is  probable  that  they 
have  no  original  connection  with  the  Hindu  Saktis,  but  as  they 
are  female  deities,  this  was  the  easiest  classification.  The  most 
of  them  are  said  to  be  incarnations  of  Parvati,  the  wife  of  Siva. 

\Miile  any  village  goddess  is  commonly  called  a  Sakti,  the  term 
is  usually  applied  to  the  fiercer  ones,  and  especially  to  those  which 
have  not  been  incarnated,  and  have  no  fixed  temple  or  image. 
They  are  really  terrible  female  devils. 

The  Sakti  ceremonies  in  the  Dravidian  worship  are  an  entirely 
different  matter  from  the  sakti  puja  of  the  Tantras.  These  cere- 
monies are  not  markedly  immoral,  but  are  far  more  terrifying 
than  the  Sakti  ceremonies  found  in  Hinduism.  The  worship  of 
these  Dravidian  Saktis  is  simply  propitiation  to  prevent  their 
doing  some  evil,  as  the  following  illustrations  will  show. 

While  the  worship  of  the  village  deity  is  proceeding,  it  is  feared 
that  Saktis  will  be  watching,  and  through  jealousy  or  some  other 
unw^orthy  reason,  may  do  harm,  even  to  the  extent  of  destroying 
the  good  that  was  hoped  for  from  the  jatara.  To  prevent  any 
such  consequences,  the  Saktis  are  propitiated  at  midnight,  after 
the  day  when  the  sacrificial  buffalo  w^as  killed.  An  outcast  man 
is  brought  to  the  scene  of  the  sacrifice.  He  smears  his  body  with 
blood  from  the  beheaded  buft'alo,  winds  the  intestines  around  his 
neck,  and  takes  the  liver  in  his  mouth.  A  pot  containing  food 
soaked  in  blood  is  placed  in  his  hands,  and  accompanied  by  men 
armed  with  sticks  and  old  swords,  he  starts  to  go  to  the  bound- 
aries of  the  village. 

As  this  weird  procession  moves  along  they  shout,  Bali!  Bali! 
"  The  sacrifice,  the  sacrifice,"  and  the  people  who  are  in  their 
houses  remain  in  deathlike  stillness  for  fear  of  the  Saktis  and 
evil  spirits  which  are  hovering  over  the  procession.  The  men  in 
the  procession  shout  and  flourish  their  swords  and  sticks,  to  keep 
oft'  these  spirits.  The  man  carrying  the  bloody  oft'ering  is  held 
up  by  ropes,  and  even  then  often  falls  to  the  ground,  saying  that 
he  sees  the  spirits.  When  he  thus  falls,  limes  are  cut  in  two  and 
thrown  into  the  air,  and  lambs  are  sacrificed  on  the  spot.     The 


The  Saktis  41 

man  then  recovers  from  his  pretended  swoon,  and  the  procession 
goes  forward.* 

After  they  have  arrived  at  the  boundary  of  the  village  the 
bloody  rice  is  left  as  an  offering,  and  the  man  who  carried  it 
divests  himself  of  his  bloody  trappings.  Often  he  swoons,  or 
appears  to  do  so,  and  is  carried  to  the  temple  of  the  village  god- 
dess, where  water  is  poured  over  him  to  revive  him.  Sometimes 
the  procession,  after  arriving  at  the  boundary,  continues  around 
the  village,  the  bloody  rice  being  scattered  to  keep  out  the  Saktis. 

A  variation  of  this  ceremony  as  reported  by  Bishop  White- 
head,^ consists  in  carrying  the  buffalo  head  around  the  village  in 
order  to  draw  a  line  over  which  no  evil  spirit  may  pass.  Any 
house  which  has  not  contributed  to  the  expenses  of  the  worship 
will  be  omitted  from  this  protection. "^ 

At  times  individual  Saktis  are  worshiped,  the  gruesome  cere- 
monies always  having  the  one  object  of  mollifying  the  anger  of 
the  Sakti.  Among  these  Saktis,  Kati  Ankamma  is  one  of  con- 
siderable importance.  She  is  the  Sakti  of  the  place  where  the 
dead  are  buried  or  burned,  and  is  feared  accordingly.  She  is 
said  to  live  on  corpses  and  to  kill  young  children.  She  also  sets 
fire  to  houses,  and  like  all  other  Indian  demons,  delights  in  killing 
cattle. 

The  worship  is  by  one  household,  or  at  times  by  two  or  three 
households  in  union.  It  takes  place  when  there  has  been  some 
unusual  trouble  which  may  be  attributed  to  Kati  Ankamma.  It 
appears  that  the  household  gods  are  jealous  of  this  worship  of 

*  See  the  account  given  by  Bishop  Whitehead,  Madras  Government 
Museum  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  131,  for  some  variations.  Bishop  Whitehead 
thinks  that  the  man  carrying  the  bloody  offering  is  supposed  to  be  possessed 
by  the  spirit  of  the  village  goddess.  I  have  been  led  to  believe  rather 
that  he  is  simplj-  carrying  the  offering  to  the  Saktis,  and  that  he  is  thus  ter- 
ribly arrayed  so  that  the  Saktis  will  fear  to  harm  him  or  those  with  him. 
See  page  125  for  a  further  discussion  of  this  point. 

^Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  139. 

^  I  have  seen  a  farmer  going  about  his  field  carrying  bloody  rice,  which 
he  scattered  as  he  walked.  This  too  was  to  keep  the  demons  from  his 
ripening  crop.  His  idea  seemed  to  be  that  they  would  be  satisfied  with 
the  bloody  offering  when  they  reached  the  boundary  of  his  field  and  so 
would  not  injure  his  grain. 


42  Drai'idian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduisyn 

Kati  Ankamma,  and  so  they  must  first  be  propitiated.  Accord- 
ingly the  day  before  that  set  for  Kati  Ankamma,  these  gods,  such 
as  Dilli  Polasi/  have  their  ceremonies. 

The  household  gods  are  taken  to  the  water  in  the  evening,  and 
kept  submerged  all  night.  The  next  day  the  pujari  comes  with 
the  musicians,  and  also  with  any  persons  who  are  possessed  by 
demons,  and  joining  with  the  worshiping  household,  they  go  to 
the  water.  After  removing  the  gods  from  the  water  they  burn 
incense  and  sacrifice  a  sheep.  The  procession  then  starts  and 
when  the  people  reach  the  middle  of  the  village  they  offer  another 
sheep  to  the  household  gods,  and  when  they  arrive  at  the  house 
still  another  sheep.  The  gods  are  then  replaced  with  much  cere- 
mony, are  smeared  with  saffron,  and  worshiped.  It  is  hoped  that 
by  these  attentions  no  harm  will  result  from  the  impending  wor- 
ship of  Kati  Ankamma. 

The  next  day  the  worship  of  Kati  Ankamma  begins,  and  is  of 
short  duration,  for  it  is  not  pleasant  enough  to  be  extended  any 
longer  than  is  actually  necessary.  The  Madiga  story-teller  goes 
to  the  burial  ground  accompanied  by  the  people  in  whose  inter- 
est the  worship  is  conducted,  together  with  a  crowd  from  the 
village.  The  story-teller  disguises  himself  by  dressing  as  a  wo- 
man, for  he  has  no  desire  to  be  recognized  later  by  any  of  the 
other  deities  as  the  one  who  did  honor  to  the  Sakti.  He  takes 
earth  and  with  the  help  of  cotton  to  make  it  stick  together  without 
unnecessary  delay,  he  hastily  makes  a  rude  image.  Eggs  are 
placed  in  the  head  for  eyes,  and  shells  for  teeth.  The  image  is 
dressed  with  a  bodice  and  koka,  and  glass  bangles  are  placed  on 
the  arms. 

After  preparing  the  image,  food  is  cooked  and  a  heap  of  it 
placed  before  it.  A  black  goat  is  brought  and  killed  and  its  blood 
is  caught  and  poured  into  the  mouth  of  the  image.  This  is  an 
unusual  proceeding,  and  shows  the  terrible  nature  of  the  Sakti 
and  its  thirst  for  blood.  The  image  is  then  worshiped  with  many 
prostrations,  while  the  musicians  keep  up  a  turbulent  drumming 

^  See  page  26. 


The  Saktis  43 

and  dancing.     But  the  people  soon  leave  the  place,  as  the  cere- 
monies are  not  pleasant,  and  the  dangers  are  many. 

As  the  worshipers  return  homeward  they  sacrifice  another 
goat  about  midway  between  the  burial  ground  and  the  village,  so 
that  in  case  Kati  Ankamma  is  not  satisfied  she  will  stop  for  this 
blood  and  not  follow  them  into  the  village.  When  they  come  to 
the  house  door  still  another  goat  is  sacrificed,  to  be  doubly  secure. 
The  goat  sacrificed  in  the  burial  ground  is  given  to  the  story-tel- 
ler; that  sacrificed  on  the  return  journey  is  given  to  the  washer- 
man, who  has  assisted  in  the  ceremonies ;  and  the  owners  of  the 
house  eat  the  one  sacrificed  at  the  door. 

On  the  next  day,  in  order  to  make  certain  that  the  household 
gods  have  not  been  oft'ended,  they  are  again  worshiped.  The 
story-teller  comes  and  makes  a  sacred  niiiggit  in  five  colors  before 
the  gods.  Over  this  he  spreads  a  sheet  on  which  he  makes  offer- 
ings of  limes,  cocoanuts,  and  various  fruits.  He  sings  some  story 
while  the  musicians  keep  up  a  terrible  din  outside  to  drive  away 
evil  spirits,  especially  Kati  Ankamma.  Another  goat  is  sacri- 
ficed, and  the  worship  comes  to  a  close. 

Donga  Sakti  is  the  name  of  another  of  these  terrible  Saktis. 
Donga  means  thief,  and  the  fact  that  she  is  thought  to  come  by 
stealth  and  kill  the  cattle  for  her  own  benefit,  probably  accounts 
for  her  name.  The  worship  is  at  night,  for  she  is  believed  to  be 
an  enemy  to  gods  and  men ;  circumstances  which  also  may  ac- 
count for  her  sobriquet. 

The  worship  of  Donga  Sakti  is  a  kind  of  last  resort.  After 
the  usual  worship  of  the  village  goddess,  if  the  trouble  or  disease 
does  not  disappear,  the  villagers  again  consult  the  diviner.  Then 
the  possession  of  Donga  Sakti  will  come  upon  her  and  she  will  say^ 
"  You  have  worshiped  your  own  gods,  but  are  they  the  only  ones 
that  you  should  worship?  You  have  thrown  me  away  on  the 
boundaries  and  left  me  out  in  the  rain,  and  so  now  I  am  bring- 
ing these  troubles  upon  you."  The  people  hearing  these  words  are 
terrified,  for  Donga  Sakti  is  a  demoness  not  to  be  trifled  with,  and 
moioey  is  at  once  raised  for  the  worship. 

The  ceremonies  take  place  in  the  night  and  are  concluded  before 
daylight.     Women   do  not  come   near,   as  the   danger   from  evil 


44  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

spirits  is  great.  Among  the  men  only  the  bravest  are  present.  At 
the  dead  of  night  the  potter  makes  an  image  in  his  house.  A 
Brahman  comes  and  performs  the  ceremonies  to  induce  Donga 
Sakti  to  enter  the  image.  A  sheep  is  killed  and  the  blood  mixed 
with  rice,  which  is  offered  as  naivedyaniu,  the  oblation  presented 
to  Hindu  gods. 

The  idol  is  then  taken  in  procession  through  the  darkness  with 
flaring  and  smoking  torches.  A  booth  is  hastily  improvised  in 
the  center  of  the  village,  and  the  rest  of  the  night  is  spent  in 
offering  bloody  sacrifices,  accompanied  by  the  beating  of  the 
drums,  which  does  not  cease  for  a  moment,  but  at  times  lulls  while 
the  story-teller  recites  tales  of  the  acts  of  the  terrible  demoness. 
After  offering  the  sacrifices,  food  is  cooked  and  placed  before  the 
image  and  another  image  upon  which  many  offerings  are  placed 
is  drawn  in  the  dust. 

As  morning  approaches,  the  procession  starts  again,  this  time  to 
the  boundaries  of  the  village.  A  spot  is  smeared  with  cow-dung,^ 
and  on  this  the  mnggu  is  drawn  with  powdered  lime.  Another 
sheep  is  killed  and  food  is  again  cooked,  mixed  with  blood,  and 
offered  to  the  Sakti.  Since  every  particle  of  this  food  must  be 
eaten,  all  sit  down  and  partake  of  the  bloody  meal.  When  all  has 
been  eaten,  they  turn  the  face  of  Donga  Sakti  away  from  their 
village  and  towards  another  village,  and  say,  "  Amma,  now  we  have 
done  everything  for  you.  Please  go  away  and  do  not  enter  our 
village  again."  By  this  time  it  is  nearly  morning,  and  all  slip  back 
into  the  village  by  devious  ways,  hoping  that  Donga  Sakti  will  not 
follow  them  and  that  they  will  be  free  from  her  for  a  time. 

Nadividhi  Sakti  is  another  of  this  group.  Her  name  means 
"  the  middle  street."  The  significance  appears  to  be  that  she 
comes  into  the  very  center  of  the  village  to  commit  her  depreda- 
tions. The  method  of  making  the  image  and  inducing  her  to  enter 
it  shows  some  variations.  A  booth  with  two  apartments  is  con- 
structed in  the  middle  of  the  village.     The  inner  compartment  is 

8  Cow-dung  is  useful  in  keeping  away  evil  spirits.  Probably  this  idea  is 
the  reason  for  the  universal  custom  in  India  of  smearing  the  mud  floors 
of  the  houses  with  cow-dung  and  water.  The  reason  usually  given  is  that 
it  is  a  sanitary  measure  and  it  certainh^  is  noticeable  that  after  drying  this 
dressing  seems  to  make  the  houses  fresh  and  clean. 


The  Saktis  45 

called  the  holy  place  and  only  the  potter  enters  it.  In  the  outer 
part  stand  the  priests  who  are  to  perform  the  life-giving  cere- 
mony. While  the  potter  is  at  work  within  making  the  image, 
the  priests  trace  a  rude  drawing  of  the  image  in  the  dust  outside. 
When  the  image  is  finished,  it  is  brought  out  and  placed  near  this 
drawing.  The  drums  are  beaten  at  the  loudest,  and  the  men  yell 
wildly  to  keep  away  interfering  spirits.  A  goat  is  sacrificed  and 
charms  are  performed  and  repeated  until  it  is  thought  the  Sakti  has 
surely  consented  to  enter  the  image. 

In  the  worship  of  this  Sakti,  the  household  gods  are  propitiated 
as  in  the  worship  of  Kati  xA.nkamma.  iVfter  this  the  ceremonies 
are  somewhat  the  same  as  those  in  the  worship  of  village  god- 
desses. There  is  the  buffalo  sacrifice,  and  a  large  number  of  sheep 
and  goats  are  killed.  Blood  is  sprinkled  freely  over  the  Sakti, 
a  rite  which  is  not  performed  with  a  village  goddess.  It  appears 
that  Nadividhi  Sakti  is  not  quite  so  terrihle  as  some  of  the  other 
Saktis,  and  may  possibly  at  some  time  become  a  village  goddess. 

As  with  most  Saktis,  the  most  important  part  of  the  worship  is 
the  escorting  out  of  the  village.  In  the  early  morning  after  the 
day  of  sacrifice,  before  any  one  has  appeared,  the  potter  places 
the  image  in  a  basket  after  another  goat  has  been  sacrificed.  The 
potter  carries  the  basket,  and  a  Madiga,  the  buffalo  head.  A  few 
men  escort  them,  waving  clubs,  and  shouting  Bali!  Bali!,  while 
the  drums  beat  as  usual.  No  woman  or  child  dares  so  much  as 
to  look  out  of  the  door  as  the  procession  passes.  To  see  the 
procession  would  mean  death,  they  think. 

On  the  outskirts  of  the  village  the  procession  halts,  and  the 
pujari  makes  a  harangue  to  the  Sakti.  He  intercedes  for  the 
people,  telling  her  that  if  she  will  leave  them  alone  they  will  wor- 
ship her  faithfully  and  give  her  offerings.  After  repeating  man- 
trams  and  performing  charms,  the  IMadiga  again  takes  up  the 
buffalo  head  and  the  potter  the  image.  Now  only  a  few  of  the 
men  follow,  the  rest  going  quietly  home.  When  they  reach  the 
boundary,  they  place  the  image  there  with  her  face  from  the  vil- 
lage, put  the  buffalo  head  in  front  of  her,  and  with  many 
protestations   of  homage,   they   request  her  to  leave  the  village. 


46  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

They  then  leave  her  there  and  go  quietly  home  by  roundabout 
paths.^ 

In  some  places,  in  the  worship  of  this  Sakti,  they  bury  alive 
four  young  pigs  at  the  corners  of  the  village.  The  pigs  are 
buried  with  their  heads  left  above  ground.  Bloody  rice  is  placed 
in  the  holes  in  which  the  pigs  are  interred.  This  is  a  protection 
against  the  Sakti  again  entering  the  village. 

Lambadi  Sakti  is  the  chief  goddess  of  the  Lambadis,  a  wander- 
ing tribe  of  traders  well  known  in  South  India. ^"  The  Lambadis 
are  undoubtedly  an  aboriginal  tribe,  and  their  worship  is  Sakti 
worship  having  little  connection  with  Hinduism.  It  is  more  like 
the  Dravidian  worship,  and  probably  has  been  adopted  from  it  in 
part. 

When  the  day  for  worshiping  Lambadi  Sakti  arrives,  they  seek 
the  help  of  the  people  who  usually  officiate  in  the  village  worship. 
The  potter  makes  an  image  in  the  usual  way,  and  the  Madigas 
have  their  usual  work.  The  worship  consists  chiefly  of  the  buffalo 
sacrifice,  with  some  modifications.  When  the  buft'alo  is  brought 
before  the  image,  the  pnjari  takes  the  sword,  and  after  telling  a 
story  of  its  divine  origin,"  hands  it  to  the  Madiga  headsman. 
The  Aladiga  comes  forward  to  receive  the  sword,  but  before  tak- 
ing it  he  stops  and  removing  his  shoes,  places  the  right  foot  one 

^  The  Gazetteer  of  Vizagapatani  District.  I,  p.  75,  tells  of  a  curious  cus- 
tom among  the  Khonds,  a  hill  tribe  of  Dravidian  ancestry  which  has  not 
yet  come  into  Hinduism.  When  disease  appears  among  them  they  pre- 
pare a  small  car  on  which  is  placed  one  grain  of  saffron-stained  rice  for 
each  person  in  the  village.  Offerings  of  blood  are  made,  and  then  the 
car  is  drawn  to  the  next  village,  to  deport  the  demon.  The  people  of  the 
next  village  pass  it  on  further,  and  so  it  is  often  kept  moving  for  some 
time.  The  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot,  I.  p.  93,  tells  of  a  method  for  re- 
moving sickness.  A  pot  is  prepared  with  offerings  of  saffron,  turmeric,  etc., 
and  at  the  dead  of  night  is  broken  at  some  cross-road  outside  the  village. 
This  is  certainly  to  lead  the  Sakti  away  by  one  of  the  roads,  or  else  to 
prevent  her  coming  into  the  village.  The  Kurnool  District  Manual,  1880, 
Sec.  II,  p.  152,  describes  a  custom  in  the  worship  of  Peddamma  in  which 
the  straw  temple  is  pulled  to  pieces  and  scattered  so  that  the  demoness  will 
not  return. 

10  Thurston  (Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  pp.  207  sq.) 
gives  a  full  description  of  these  interesting  people. 

11  See  the  note,  page  107. 


The  Saktis  47 

on  the  left,  and  z'ice  versa.  This  is  in  order  that  the  Sakti  or  any 
other  demon  may  not  be  able  to  recognize  his  footprints  and  so 
follow  him  later. 

After  beheading  the  buffalo  they  do  not  place  the  leg  in  the 
mouth,  as  is  the  usual  custom,  but  instead  remove  the  heart,  lungs, 
and  liver,  and  place  them  in  the  mouth,  and  smear  the  head  with 
blood.  The  image  and  the  hideous  head  with  the  vitals  in  the 
mouth  are  afterwards  carried  to  the  boundary  and  left  in  the  usual 
way. 

The  Lambadis  have  another  Sakti,  called  Malayala  Sakti,  who  is 
the  most  terrible  of  all  because  she  requires  human  sacrifice.^-  She 
has  no  image  whatever,  perhaps  for  the  reason  that  no  one  dares 
to  make  one  for  her.  The  sacrifice  of  human  beings  by  the  Lam- 
badis was  reported  by  the  Abbe  Dubois  nearly  one  hundred  years 
ago.^^  He  says  that  when  the  Lambadis  wish  to  make  a  human 
sacrifice,  they  seize  the  first  person  whom  they  meet,  and  taking 
him  to  a  lonely  spot  they  bury  him  up  to  the  neck.  They  then 
make  a  sort  of  cup  from  a  lump  of  dough,  and  place  it  on  his 
head.  This  they  fill  with  oil,  and  placing  four  wicks  in  it  they 
light  them.  All  then  join  hands,  and  dance  around  the  victim 
until  he  expires. 

In  the  village  of  Pokuru,  Nellore  District,  is  a  middle-aged  man 
who  tells  a  strange  story  that  corroborates  in  general  what  the 
Abbe  Dubois  reported.  \\  hen  this  man  was  a  boy  of  five  or  six 
years,  he  was  stolen  from  home  by  a  band  of  traveling  Lambadis,^* 

12  The  Lambadis  are  not  the  only  people  in  India  who  have  offered 
human  sacrifices.  Max  Miiller  (Ancient  Sanskrit  Literature,  Edinburgh, 
i860,  p.  419)  thinks  it  may  have  existed  among  the  Aryans.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  71, 
states  that  human  sacrifices  were  probably  very  common  among  the  Dra- 
vidians,  and  that  the  Aryans  adopted  sati  and  human  sacrifices  from 
them.  Monier-Williams  (Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  p.  24)  says  that 
it  was  probably  once  part  of  the  Brahmanical  system.  For  further  dis- 
cussion see  Crooke,  Tilings  Indian,  p.  262  sq. ;  E.  R.  Clough,  While  Sewing 
Sandals,  p.  72;  Dubois,  Hindu  Manners  and  Customs,  pp.  652  sq. 

13  Hindu  Manners  and  Customs,  p.  70. 

1*  Thurston  (Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  p.  226)  says  that 
the  Lambadis  purchase  children  whom  they  adopt.  It  is  probable  that  they 
do  purchase  children  in  famine  times.     But  it  also  seems  well  established 


48  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

who  took  him  as  far  as  the  Malabar  coast  in  western  India.  He 
was  stolen  for  the  purpose  of  sacrifice,  and  was  given  into  the  care 
of  an  old  woman  until  he  should  be  of  sufficient  age.  When  the 
boy  was  ten  or  twelve  years  old,  the  sacrifice  was  about  to  be 
made.  But  the  old  woman  who  had  been  caring  for  him  had 
developed  a  genuine  affection  for  the  boy,  and  while  arrangements 
were  being  perfected,  she  warned  him  of  his  danger,  and  helped 
him  to  escape.  He  had  lived  a  roaming  life  with  the  Lambadis 
long  enough  to  be  familiar  with  the  forests  and  the  main  roads  of 
travel.  Secreting  himself  in  the  forest  by  day  and  traveling  by 
night,  he  made  good  his  escape,  and  at  last  arrived  again  at  his 
native  village. 

The  account  which  this  man  gives  of  the  human  sacrifice,  which 
he  saw  performed,  is  that  it  takes  place  once  in  three  years  if  a 
victim  can  be  obtained,  but  now,  since  there  is  more  difficulty 
in  securing  the  victims,  not  so  frequently.  He  says  that  they 
buy  or  steal  a  boy  from  any  caste  and  raise  him  for  the  purpose. 
At  the  appointed  time  they  select  a  secret  place  deep  in  the  forest. 
The  hole  is  dug,  the  victim  buried,  and  the  lights  placed  on  his 
head,  as  described  by  the  Abbe  Dubois.  A  iniiggu  is  drawn  on 
the  ground  a  little  to  one  side,  and  on  it  are  placed  the  various 
offerings.  Mantrams  are  recited  to  the  Sakti,  and  then  the  wild 
cattle-call  of  the  Lambadis  rings  through  the  forest.  In  response 
all  the  cattle  come  running  to  the  place,  and  trample  down  victim, 
niuggu,  and  offerings.  This  ends  the  ceremony,  and  immediately 
they  break  camp  and  move  on.  Fear  of  detection  may  be  one 
reason  for  the  sudden  removal,  but  the  original  idea  was  probably 
to  leave  the  region  where  the  Sakti  would  be  likely  to  remain  for 
a  time. 

It  is  a  common  custom  of  the  Lambadis  to  bury  a  pig.  leaving 
the  head  above  ground,  when  they  are  about  to  start  on  a  journey. 
The  cattle  are  then  driven  over  it  and  trample  the  pig  to  death. 
This  appears  to  be  a  survival  of  the  practice  of  human  sacrifice. 
The  same  custom  of  burying  pigs  alive  was  noticed  above  in  con- 
nection with  the  worship  of  Nadividhi  Sakti. ^^     The  similarity  in 

that  they  steal  children,  and  that  some  of  these  children  are  secured  with 
the  intention  of  offering  them  as  human  sacrifices. 
1^  See  page  46. 


The  Saktis  '  49 

the  two  rites  points  to  a  common  origin.  It  may  be  that,  as  the 
Lambadis  have  adopted  many  gods  from  the  Dravidians/*^  they 
have  adopted  this  custom  too,  because  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
human  sacrifices. 

Another  informant,^'  one  of  their  own  number,  admits  human 
sacrifice,  but  says  that  it  has  ceased  within  the  past  ten  or  twelve 
years  because  of  the  vigilance  of  the  government.  He  says  that 
the  cattle  do  not  trample  the  victim,  but  rush  by  on  either  side, 
while  the  victim  is  left  to  die  of  starvation  unless  some  passer-by 
rescues  him.  A  margin  of  only  ten  or  twelve  years  since  the 
custom  is  said  to  have  ceased  brings  it  up  practically  to  the 
present,  and  we  may  well  believe  that  the  lonely  depths  of  the 
forest  still  witness  these  terrible  scenes,  and  that  this  is  the  end  of 
some  of  the  children  whom  it  is  w^ell  known  that  the  Lambadis  buy 
or  steal,  nominally  for  the  purpose  of  slavery. 

Not  all  Saktis  are  of  so  terrible  a  nature  as  those  described 
above.  Kateri  is  one  of  the  milder  ones.  She  is  said  to  be  a  forest 
goddess  who  sends  cholera  and  similar  diseases. ^^  In  the  Nellore 
District  she  is  propitiated  by  pregnant  women  for  a  safe  and  easy 
delivery.  She  is  said  to  have  a  great  desire  for  blood,  and  the 
woman  fearing  that  her  own  blood  may  be  required,  makes  the 
propitiation  in  due  time.  She  is  moreover  said  to  be  a  powerful 
Sakti  who  can  protect  from  other  Saktis. 

This  Sakti  has  no  image,  but  the  woman  who  desires  the  favor 
of  Kateri  takes  ofiferings  and  also  a  new  koka,  and  calling  all  the 
married  women  of  the  place,  gathers  them  beside  a  water  pot  in  a 
spot  previously  selected.  All  the  women  put  on  the  botlii,  or 
sacred  marks,  and  leave  with  singing  and  tumult.  After  they  have 
gone  a  short  distance,  the  woman  who  is  performing  the  puja, 
or  worship,  returns  alone.  She  bathes,  offers  a  fowl  to  Kateri, 
cooks  the  fowl  and  eats  it.  She  then  puts  on  the  koka  which  has 
been  offered  to  Kateri,  and  makes  various  offerings,  especially  the 

1®  Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  p.  230. 

1"  A  young  man  who  is  now  studying  in  one  of  our  schools.  When  a 
child  he  and  his  smaller  brother  and  sick  mother  were  deserted  by  the 
Lambadis  when  starting  on  a  journey.     They  were  rescued  by  a  missionary. 

I'S  Broivn's  Tchigu  Dictionary,  Madras,  1903,  p.  2^. 


50  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

blood  of  more  fowls.     It  is  very  important  that  she  be  absolutely 
alone  and  that  no  one  see  the  ceremonies. 

Women  who  have  worshiped  this  Sakti  may  be  recognized  by 
their  kokas.  Kateri  appears  to  be  a  kind  of  house-name  for  a 
group  of  Saktis.  For  Panta  Kateri  a  white  koka  with  a  black 
border  is  worn.  For  Rakta  Kateri,  it  is  a  plaid  of  red  and  blue, 
and  for  Chensu  Kateri  it  is  a  white  ko}?a  with  blue  stripes.  A 
woman  who  vows  to  this  latter  one  usually  takes  the  name  Chen- 
samma. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Demon  Possession 

Every  Dravidian  god  has  something  of  the  demon  element  in 
it,  and  the  Saktis  are  pure  demons.^  In  close  connection  with 
this  propitiation  of  demons  is  the  belief  in  demon  possession. - 
There  are  many  ceremonies  performed  for  the  exorcism  of  these 
spirits.  The  following  illustrations  of  exorcism  will  show  the 
general  ideas  concerning  demon  possession. 

1  Brahmanic  Hinduism  is  not  lacking  in  demons.  The  Rakshasas  of 
the  Rigveda  are  demons,  and  the  Asuras  in  the  later  use  of  the  word  are 
also  demons.  There  is,  however,  a  marked  distinction  between  the  demons 
of  Hinduism  and  the  Dravidian  demons.  For  proofs  of  the  origin  of 
Dravidian  demon  worship  prior  to  and  independent  of  Brahmanism  see 
Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  71.  The  State 
Manual  of  Travencore,  H,  p.  55,  also  says  that  demon  worship  as  found 
among  the  Dravidians  is  absolutely  unconnected  with  the  higher  orders 
of  Hinduism.  The  most  persistent  distinction  is  that  the  Rakshasas  and 
Hindu  demons  have  a  divine  origin,  while  the  Dravidian  demons  usually 
are  the  spirits  of  dead  people.  This  will  be  treated  more  fully  later. 
There  is  considerable  confusion  concerning  these  two  classes  of  demons, 
not  only  in  books  on  Hinduism,  but  also  in  the  minds  of  the  people.  One 
reason  for  this  is  that  the  Brahmans  in  their  effort  to  absorb  the  Dravidian 
people  and  religion,  have  to  some  extent  identified  Dravidian  demons  with 
their  own  Rakshasas.  It  is  common  for  writers  on  Hinduism  to  treat  the 
Dravidian  gods  under  the  heading  of  Demons  or  Demonology.  More 
can  be  learned  about  them  under  these  headings  than  under  any  other 
given  in  indexes.  On  the  whole  matter  see  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanism 
and  Hinduism,  London,  1891,  Ch.  IX ;  Crooke,  Things  Indian,  New  York, 
1906,  pp.  131  sq. ;  Dubois,  Hindu  Manners  and  Customs,  Oxford,  1899, 
p.  650;  Fausbfill,  Indian  Mythology,  pp.  1-41. 

-The  Telugu  word  for  demon  is  dayyamu,  for  the  Sanskrit  daivamu. 
The  first  meaning  is  a  deity  or  divine  being.  It  has  then  come  to  mean 
spirit  of  any  sort,  and  as  it  is  the  evil  spirits  which  are  to  be  feared  and 
propitiated,  in  common  use  dayyamu  means  an  evil  spirit,  or  devil.  On  the 
distinction  between  demon  and  devil  see  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanism  and 
Hinduism,  London,  1891,  p.  231.  So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover, 
demon  possession  occurs  only  in  the  case  of  Dravidian  demons.  The 
Hindu  demons  do  not  appear  to  take  possession  of  people. 

51 


52  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

^^'hen  a  person  has  been  sick  for  a  considerable  time  and  other 
remedies  have  failed,  it  is  common  to  call  a  bhuta-vaidyadn,  liter- 
ally a  demon  doctor.  He  comes  and  examines  the  patient  and 
gives  his  decision  that  it  is  no  ordinary  sickness,  but  demon  pos- 
session. It  is  necessary  for  him  to  know  the  name  of  the  demon 
before  he  can  exorcise  it,  so  he  requests  the  people  to  send  for  the 
diviner.  The  people  obey,  and  prepare  an  offering  of  five  seers  of 
rice,^  five  cocoanuts,  five  dates,  five  betel  leaves,  and  some  saffron 
and  turmeric.  The  diviner*  is  then  called.  She  comes,  and  after 
various  ceremonies  and  repeating  many  iiiantraiiis,  the  possession 
of  some  spirit  soon  seizes  her.  The  bystanders  begin  to  call  over 
the  names  of  different  gods  to  see  which  one  has  entered  her. 
When  they  reach  the  name  of  the  household  god,  the  diviner  in- 
variably cries  out  that  this  is  the  one.  This  astonishes  the  on- 
lookers, who  now  are  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  household 
god  has  entered  the  woman.  The  next  thing  is  for  the  household 
god  to  tell  through  the  diviner  who  the  demon  is  that  is  troubling 
the  sick  person.  After  some  delay  and  many  contortions  caused 
by  the  possession,  the  diviner  will  usually  name  some  person  of 
the  household  who  has  died,  saying  that  his  ghost  is  making  the 
trouble.  This  ends  the  work  of  the  diviner,  and  telling  them  to 
call  the  hhnta-valdyadu  again,  she  departs,  taking  with  her  the 
offerings  which  have  been  prepared. 

Again  the  blnita-i-aidyadn  comes.  He  makes  a  mnggu  of  magic 
squares  and  circles,  and  in  these  places  stars  and  numbers.  He 
then  asks  the  sick  man  to  place  his  finger  on  any  number.  He 
obeys,  and  the  doctor  immediately  tells  the  name  of  the  demon 
which  is  troubling  him.  He  gives  the  same  name  as  that  given  by 
the  diviner,  and  all  are  more  than  ever  convinced  of  the  correctness 
of  the  diagnosis. 

The  demon  doctor  now  proceeds  with  the  first  part  of  the  exor- 

3  A  seer  is  something  more  than  a  quart. 

*  The  diviner  is  usually  an  Erukala  woman,  sometimes  pronounced  Yeru- 
kala.  Thurston  {Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  pp.  438  sq.)  gives 
a  full  description  of  these  people  under  the  name  Korava.  See  also  M. 
Paupa  Rao  Naidu,  The  Criminal  Tribes  of  India,  No.  II,  The  History  of 
Koraivars,  Erukulas  or  Kiakaries,  pp.  i,  2.  They  are  Dravidians,  but  be- 
cause of  their  nomad  disposition  have  scattered  to  all  parts  of  India. 


Demon  Possession  •  53 

cism.  Many  things  are  done  which  appear  to  have  no  meaning  in 
themselves,  but  which  by  their  mysteriousness  have  a  striking 
effect  on  the  sick  man  and  the  bystanders.  He  takes  a  thread  of 
seven  colors,  seven  cocoanut  shells,  seven  dates,  some  leaves,  and 
a  pot.  Some  money  must  be  placed  beneath  these,  and  five  seers 
of  rice  poured  over  them.  A  goat  is  sacrificed,  or  if  the  people 
are  very  poor,  a  chicken  will  do.  Plenty  of  gJiee,  or  clarified 
butter,  must  be  furnished,  and  the  women  prepare  all  the  offerings 
for  a  feast.  Meanwhile  the  amount  to  be  paid  to  the  doctor  is 
decided  upon.  His  fee  is  large  compared  with  that  which  other 
people  connected  with  the  village  gods  receive.  An  auspicious  day 
for  the  final  ceremonies  is  selected,  and  the  doctor  eats  the  feast 
and  goes  away. 

On  the  selected  day  the  hhntn-z'aidyadn  comes  again.  He  first 
makes  an  earthen  image  of  a  Sakti.  It  is  made  as  terrible  as  pos- 
sible, and  various  incantations  are  employed.  A  goat  is  killed, 
and  the  blood  sprinkled  on  the  image,  and  the  demon  doctor  goes 
around  the  image  several  times  repeating  mantrains.  After  a 
little  he  sends  for  the  sick  man,  who  comes  trembling.  As  soon 
as  he  sees  the  image  he  cries  out,  "  Alas,  it  is  this  which  has  taken 
possession  of  me  for  so  long!"  and  falls  to  the  ground.  The 
doctor  recites  mantrains  to  him,  and  gives  him  earth  which  he 
must  carry  to  the  boundary  of  the  village  and  throw  away,  thus 
getting  rid  of  the  demon.  It  is  said  that  if  he  is  a  brave  man  and 
has  faith  in  the  work  of  the  bhnia-vaidyadu,  he  will  recover. 
Otherwise  a  greater  sickness  will  come  upon  him  and  he  will  die. 

There  are  different  methods  of  exorcism.  Another  is  as  follows. 
The  demon  doctor  makes  three  kinds  of  the  sacred  niuggu,  and 
after  a  bewildering  number  of  small  ceremonies  he  makes  an  image 
of  dough.  He  then  forms  nine  small  lamps  of  dough  and  pours 
three  kinds  of  oil  into  them.  The  lamps  are  lighted  and  placed 
on  an  offering  of  food  in  front  of  the  image.  A  sheep  is  sacri- 
ficed, its  blood  caught  in  a  broken  pot  and  mixed  with  rice.  This 
bloody  rice  is  then  sprinkled  in  the  four  corners  of  the  room. 

The  demon  doctor  now  brings  a  thorn  from  the  mnndlti  muvishtu 
tree,^  a  rooster's  spur,  and  two  or  three  nails.  He  dips  all  these 
into  the  blood  and  pounds  them  into  the  ground  around  the  sacred 

^  Andcrsonia  rohitaka,  Rox.  ii.  213.     Also  called  rohitaka  vrukshamii. 


54  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

muggu.  This  is  to  prevent  any  interference  with  the  ceremonies 
by  an  evil  eye  or  by  another  demon. 

After  further  ceremonies  the  doctor  rubs  out  the  muggu  with  his 
hand,  thus  indicating  that  the  demon  has  been  removed.  He  then 
places  the  image  of  dough,  one  lamp,  and  the  head  of  the  sheep,  in 
a  pot,  and  the  procession  starts  for  the  burying  ground. °  Two 
men  carry  this  pot  and  two  others  follow  w^ith  the  pot  containing 
the  bloody  rice.  After  reaching  the  burying  ground,  they  dig  a 
hole  and  bury  both  pots  with  their  contents,  performing  the  usual 
burying  ceremonies.  After  all  is  over  another  bloody  naiF  is 
driven  into  the  earth  above  the  buried  pots. 

The  procession  now  returns  to  the  house,  believing  that  the  de- 
mon has  been  left  buried.  To  be  certain  that  it  will  not  again  re- 
turn, the  demon  doctor  now  prepares  a  charm.  After  bathing  and 
reciting  mantrams,  he  makes  a  small  diagram  of  nine  squares  on  a 
a  piece  of  palm  leaf.  He  writes  numbers  in  each  square,  anoints 
the  whole  with  saffron,  and  burns  incense  before  it.  He  then  ties 
it  up  wdth  blue  and  yellow  thread  into  an  amulet. 

These  amulets  are  very  common  among  the  people.  Often  they 
are  made  into  a  more  permanent  form,  being  placed  in  a  small 
silver  cylinder.  Almost  all  village  children  wear  a  small  silver 
image  of  Hanuman,  the  monkey  god,  suspended  from  a  cord 
around  the  neck,  and  on  each  side  of  the  image  of  Hanuman 
will  be  seen  one  of  the  small  silver  cylinders  containing  the 
charm. 

The  above  illustrations  relate  to  individual  cases  of  exorcism. 
In  many  places,  however,  exorcism  is  practiced  on  a  much  larger 
scale.  People  wall  come  from  long  distances  to  consult  some  re- 
nowned demon  doctor,  or  to  visit  some  especially  potent  place.  An 
illustration  of  this  is  found  at  a  temple  known  as  Xattaryan  Kovil 
in  the  Dharapuram  Taluq  of  the  Coimbatore  District.^ 

®  The  usual  Indian  burying  ground  is  simply  a  piece  of  waste  land  outside 
the  village.  It  is  unfrequented  except  from  necessity,  as  it  is  supposed  to 
be  inhabitated  by  ghosts.  There  is  no  order  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
graves,  and  it  is  unusual  to  mark  them  in  any  way.  Burying  is  often  care- 
lessly done  and  jackals  and  other  animals  disinter  the  bodies.  It  is  alto- 
gether a  gruesome  place. 

"  Iron  is  one  of  the  best  charms  against  evil  spirits. 

^  The  facts  here  related  are  taken  from  an  article  printed  in  the  Madras 
Mail,  June  4,  1012. 


Demon  Possession  55 

In  this  place  there  is  a  temple  to  the  Hindu  god,  Nattaryan,  and 
also  small  images  and  shrines  for  two  deities  which  are  considered 
to  be  powerful  demons.^  These  demons  are  thought  to  have  the 
power  to  cast  out  other  demons. 

Tuesday  night  is  the  time  when  the  demons  are  thought  to  be 
ready  to  give  help.  The  ceremonies  continue  all  night,  and  well 
into  Wednesday  morning.  All  day  Tuesday  crowds  will  be  arriv- 
ing, and  by  night  every  available  place  about  the  temple  yard  will 
be  filled  with  encampments.  As  darkness  comes  on  the  ceremonies 
for  exorcism  begin  inside  the  temple  yard.  The  possessed  people, 
with  very  few  exceptions,  are  women,  who  have  all  kinds  of  nerv- 
ous troubles,  or  are  epileptics.  As  many  as  two  or  three  hundred 
of  these  afflicted  people  may  be  seen  in  the  temple  yard  at  one 
time.  All  surge  about  and  sway  backward  and  forward  in  every 
stage  of  nervous  disorder.     It  is  like  visiting  a  madhouse. 

In  the  ceremonies  for  exorcism,  which  begin  about  dark,  the 
priest  sprinkles  ashes  over  the  prostrate  form  of  each  patient  to 
make  the  demon  active.  He  then  rudely  tells  the  demon  in  the 
possessed  person  to  wake  up.  As  the  priests  thus  pass  from  one 
to  another,  some  one  of  the  patients  will  begin  to  sway  backward 
and  forward,  and  then  round  and  round  with  a  counter  clockwise 
motion.  Then  others  take  up  the  same  motion,  and  soon  all  are 
swaying  round  and  round.  It  is  a  strange  phenomenon  that  all 
sway  in  the  same  direction.  Sometimes  the  swaying  is  gentle  and 
dreamy,  and  at  other  times  it  is  acompanied  with  loud  cries,  and 
at  times  with  reproaches  directed  at  the  priests.  The  afflicted  per- 
sons often  work  themselves  into  a  fury  and  twist  violently  around, 
striking  the  earth  with  the  palms  of  their  hands. 

These  violent  demonstrations  indicate  that  the  demon  is  now  ac- 
tive, so  the  priest  comes  again  and  adjures  the  patient  to  tell  the 
name  of  the  demon  which  is  afflicting  her.  One  woman  gave  the 
name  of  a  young  man  deceased,  whom  she  had  never  seen.  An- 
other gave  the  name  of  a  twin  sister  who  had  died.  The  priest 
now  asks  the  demon  if  it  is  willing  to  leave  that  night.  If  the 
answer   is   in   the   affirmative   he   leads   the   woman  by   her   hair 

^  Their  story  is  given  on  page  66. 


56  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

to  a  tree  about  one  hundred  yards  away,  and  cutting  the  hair  off 
nails  it  to  the  tree.     This  completes  the  exorcism/" 

Sometimes  the  demon  says  that  it  is  not  going  to  leave  that 
night,  and  names  another  time  at  which  it  will  leave,  perhaps  a 
week  or  a  month  later.  Then  the  woman  slowly  arises  and  goes 
away  to  return  at  the  appointed  time.  The  priests  are  anxious  to- 
get  the  demons  to  leave,  for  they  receive  four  annas,  eight  cents, 
for  each  successful  case  and  nothing  for  the  unsuccessful  ones. 
There  were  about  one  hundred  priests  in  attendance,  mostly  Sudras. 

The  next  morning  at  dawn  the  observer  returned  and  found  a 
few  weary  women  still  swaying  to  and  fro,  and  still  being  adjured 
by  the  priests  to  tell  the  names  of  the  demons.  As  soon  as  tlie 
sun  appeared  the  work  of  exorcism  ceased,  and  the  whole  camp 
was  astir.  Large  numbers  of  sheep  and  goats  were  brought  inside 
the  temple  3^ard  and  offered  to  the  chief  demon  god.  The  heads 
of  the  animals  were  chopped  off  and  placed  in  a  bag  for  the  priest, 
and  the  blood  poured  over  the  fierce-looking  idol.  The  bodies  were 
handed  back  to  those  making  the  offerings  and  were  taken  away  to 
be  eaten  later.  During  this  ceremony  the  door  of  the  temple  of 
the  Hindu  god  was  closed  to  prevent  him  seeing  the  slaughter.  It 
is  reported  that  from  two  hundred  to  five  hundred  sheep  and  goats 
are  slaughtered  here  every  Wednesday  morning.  The  priests 
look  like  butchers,  and  the  place  literally  runs  with  blood. 

These  offerings  are  largely  the  vows  which  have  been  promised 
in  case  the  relief  sought  is  secured.  Some  of  the  offerings  look 
to  the  future  and  are  to  propitiate  the  god  so  that  he  will  protect 
the  one  making  the  offering  from  future  possession  by  demons. 
This  method  of  propitiation  with  blood  shows  the  direct  con- 
nection between  the  Dravidian  gods  and  demon  possession.  This 
demon  possession  is  simply  one  of  the  activities  of  the  Dravidian 
deities.^^ 

'^*  Two  trees  were  covered  with  hair  which  had  been  nailed  to  them. 
The  trees  were  overrun  with  ants  and  beetles,  attracted  no  doubt  by  the 
cocoanut  oil  so  freely  used  on  the  hair  by  Indian  women.  Both  trees  were 
withered  from  the  pounding  of  so  many  nails  into  them. 

11  The  Gazetteer  of  the  Madura  District,  I,  p.  87,  gives  another  method 
of  exorcism.  A  stone  is  placed  on  the  afflicted  woman's  head.  She  then 
rushes  away,  and  when  the  stone  falls  it  is  thought  that  the  demon  has 
gone  into  the  earth  at  the  place  where  the  stone  struck.  A  lock  of  her 
hair  is  then  nailed  to  the  nearest  tree. 


CHAPTER    VII 
Kanaka  Durgamma  and   Poshamma 

The  descriptions  which  have  been  given  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ters will  give  a  fairly  complete  idea  of  the  ceremonies  in  connec- 
tion with  these  Dravidian  deities.  In  this  chapter  the  ceremonies 
connected  with  two  more  of  the  almost  unlimited  number  of 
these  gods  will  be  given.  It  will  be  seen  that  not  always  are  all 
the  ceremonies  performed,  and  that  the  variations  are  many.  The 
fundamental  principles  and  ideas  of  the  worship,  however,  will  be 
seen  to  be  the  same. 

Kanaka  Durgamma.^  This  goddess  usually  has  no  regular 
temple  or  image,  and  possesses  no  fixed  festival.  She  is  the 
Sakti  or  demoness  especially  responsible  for  the  welfare  of  the 
cattle,  and  is  propitiated  when  there  is  cattle  disease,  and  some- 
times when  there  is  sickness  among  the  people. 

The  customary  method  of  beginning  this  worship  is  that  while 
the  people  are  considering  the  steps  to  be  taken  to  stop  the 
ravages  of  cattle  disease,  some  woman  will  suddenly  become 
possessed  of  the  spirit  of  Kanaka  Durgamma,  and  running  to 
water  will  throw  herself  in.  The  people  rush  to  the  rescue  and 
pull  her  out.  She  will  then  run  to  a  margosa  tree-  and  breaking 
off  twigs  will  put  them  in  her  mouth  as  if  she  were  a  mad  woman. 

The  people  ask  the  woman  who  she  is,  meaning  that  they  wish 
to  know  what  spirit  has  taken  possession  of  her.  She  replies,  "  I 
am  Kanaka  Durgamma,  and  it  is  because  you  have  neglected  my 
worship  that  this  sickness  has  come.  I  am  the  one  who  is  killing 
your  cattle."  The  people  now  ask  what  her  demands  are,  and 
again  she  replies,  "  I  am  Kanaka  Durgamma.  You  have  for- 
gotten me.       You  have  not  given  me  offerings  of  blood.     You 

1  I  am  indebted  to  F.  W.  Stait  of  Udayagiri,  Nellore  District,  for  many 
of  the  facts  relating  to  the  worship  of  Kanaka  Durgamma. 

^  Ayadirachta  iitdica,  sometimes  called  the  Neem  tree.  This  is  a  semi- 
sacred  tree.  It  is  held  in  especially  high  esteem  because  its  foHage  is  most 
luxuriant  in  the  hot  season  when  many  trees  are  bare,  and  shade  is 
especially  appreciated. 

57     . 


58  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

have  not  sent  me  from  your  village  with  honor.  So  you  must 
build  me  a  temple  and  offer  to  me  the  blood  of  chickens,  sheep, 
goats,  and  buffalos.     Do  me  the  right  honors  and  I  will  leave  you."" 

The  people,  hearing  these  words,  proceed  immediately  to  obey 
them.  The  village  carpenter  makes  an  image  of  wood  from  a 
branch  of  a  margosa  tree.  The  branch  when  cut  off  must  not 
be  allowed  to  touch  the  ground  or  it  will  be  defiled.  The  image  is 
often  very  rude,  but  may  be  more  elaborate  if  the  carpenter  has 
some  ability.  It  is  usually  about  two  feet  tall  and  represents  a 
woman  with  a  sword  in  her  hand.  The  carpenter  must  begin  his 
work  in  the  evening  and  finish  it  before  dawn.  The  image  when 
made  is  placed  in  water^  and  kept  there  until  wanted  for  the  cere- 
monies. The  Madigas  meanwhile  make  a  booth  in  some  con- 
venient grove  outside  the  village.  This  booth  answers  for  the 
temple  which  Kanaka  Durgamma  demands. 

In  the  morning  the  village  washerman  takes  the  image  from  the 
water  and  after  carefully  dressing  it  and  adorning  it  with  jewels, 
he  places  it  on  a  litter  in  order  that  it  may  be  carried  in  the 
precession.  A  great  din  is  kept  up  with  the  drums  all  of  the  time 
that  the  image  is  being  dressed  in  order  to  keep  away  troublesome 
spirits,  and  a  fowl  is  sacrificed  at  every  stage  of  the  proceeding. 

The  image  is  now  carried  about  the  village,  the  musicians  going 
ahead,  and  not  stopping  their  tumult  for  an  instant.  The  proces- 
sion stops  before  every  house,  and  the  inmates  bring  out  water, 
often  colored  red  to  represent  blood,  and  pour  it  before  the  image. 
Offerings  are  then  made,  the  chief  one  being  a  chicken.  The  head 
goes  to  the  headsman,  and  those  who  make  the  offering  take  the 
body  for  the  feast  later  in  the  day. 

It  may  be  ten  o'clock  or  later  before  all  the  houses  have  been 
thus  visited.  The  image  is  then  taken  to  the  grove  and  placed 
in  the  booth.  No  fire  is  to  be  lighted  in  the  village  all  day  long. 
It   is   said   that   the   s])irit   of  Kanaka   Durgamma   will   again  gO' 

^  The  reason  for  placing  this  and  other  images  in  water  does  not  seem 
to  be  known  by  the  people.  The  only  explanation  which  I  have  been  able 
to  secure  from  the  people  is  that  it  is  for  santi,  which  means  comfort, 
quietness,  and  also  propitiation.  It  is  probable  that  the  night  in  the  water 
is  supposed  to  be  pleasing  to  the  goddess,  but  one  Hindu  ventured  the 
explanation  that  it  was  to  cool  down  her  anger ! 


Kanaka  Durgarnma  and  Poshamma  59 

through  the  village,  and  seeing  it  deserted,  will  think  that  all  the 
people  are  dead  and  so  will  be  glad  to  leave. 

The  exercises  in  the  grove  are  much  like  a  great  picnic.  The 
offerings  of  the  morning  are  cooked,  and  a  feast  is  prepared. 
Each  woman  brings  a  double  handful  of  food,  and  placing  incense 
on  it,  offers  it  to  the  goddess.  After  the  feasting  the  votive  offer- 
ings are  brought,  fowls,  sheep,  goats,  and  buffalos.*  Later  there 
is  the  procession  of  carts.  There  is  nothing  unduly  terrifying  in 
the  sacrifices,  and  there  is  no  Sakti  worship.  The  buffalo  sacrifice 
with  the  legs  placed  in  the  mouth  is  not  made,  as  a  usual  thing. 

As  the  day  declines  the  people  come  one  by  one  before  Kanaka 
Durgarnma  and  bow  in  worship.  They  then  return  quietly  to 
the  village.  A  small  procession  now  takes  the  image  to  the 
boundary  and  leaves  it  there,  after  further  sacrifices.  By  this 
time  it  will  be  dark,  and  the  procession  is  made  with  torches.  At 
the  boundary  these  are  suddenly  extinguished,  and  the  bearers  slip 
hurriedly  away  in  order  that  she  may  not  follow  them.^ 

In  Nalgonda  in  the  Deccan,  Kanaka  Durgamma  is  not  an  inter- 
loper, but  is  the  village  goddess.  Her  image  and  temple  are  per- 
manent, and  she  is  not  left  on  the  boundary.  In  this  particular 
instance  a  Brahman  is  pujari,  but  at  the  time  the  bloody  sacrifices 
are  made  he  will  remain  inside  the  temple  so  as  not  to  see  them.® 

Poshamma.  The  name  means  the  one  who  supports  or  nour- 
ishes. The  following  vivid  description'  presents  a  good  example 
of  the  family  or  private  worship  of  one  of  these  deities. 

"  I  halted  my  pony  in  front  of  several  idols  that  showed  signs  of 
recent  worship,  and  began  to  ask  questions  about  them.     Being 

*  At  a  festival  for  Kanakama  Durgamma  in  Ramapatnam,  Dec.  2,  1912, 
only  one  sheep  was  offered  in  the  grove,  and  no  other  animals. 

5  It  is  evident  that  the  image  is  not  regarded  as  sacred  after  the  day  of 
worship,  for  it  is  not  difficult  to  secure  after  being  left  on  the  boundary. 
I  found  one  and  took  it  to  America  in  1909.  For  a  small  present  I  secured 
the  one  worshiped  at  Ramapatnam,  Dec.  2,  1912,  and  have  it  now  in  my 
possession.  Mr.  Stait  also  secured  an  unusually  fine  one  in  connection  with 
the  worship  which  he  reports. 

^  In  this  way  any  goddess  may  be  permanent  in  one  place,  and  an  in- 
terloper in  another. 

''  For  this  description  I  am  indebted  to  Charles  Rutherford  of  Hanuma- 
konda,  Deccan. 


6o  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

told  that  a  sacrifice  was  about  to  be  offered  by  some  of  the  vil- 
lagers. I  waited  and  saw  the  whole  ceremony. 

"A  small  procession  of  a  dozen  people  or  so,  men,  women,  and 
children,  came  filing  out  of  the  village.  They  were  led  by  a 
Madiga  beating  a  drum.  After  him  came  two  men  of  the  washer- 
man caste,  each  carrying  a  lamb,  and  after  them  came  the  women, 
each  with  a  brass  cheuihii,  or  drinking  cup,  of  water,  and  with 
baskets  containing  food  and  other  offerings.  The  whole  proces- 
sion marched  three  times  around  the  "  green  tree  '  under  which 
the  idols  stood,  and  then  halted  in  front  of  them.  The  washer- 
man placed  the  lambs  on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  idols.  The 
two  women  splashed  water  over  the  idols,  and  then  bowing  low 
worshiped  them.  After  this  they  put  spots  of  red,  yellow,  and 
purple  all  over  the  idols,  pressing  on  the  powder  with  the  thumbs 
of  their  right  hands.  This  done,  each  woman  placed  a  small  leaf 
plate  of  rice  before  each  image,  poured  gl^ce  and  curds  over  the 
food,  and  lighted  incense.     They  then  worshiped  the  idols  again. 

"  Next  they  turned  their  attention  to  the  sacrificial  lambs. 
These  were  treated  to  a  splash  of  water  in  the  face,  and  colored 
powder  on  the  nose  and  forehead,  after  which  they  were  released 
for  a  moment  to  see  if  they  would  shake  their  heads.  Either  to 
get  the  water  out  of  its  ear,  or  to  shake  off  its  recent  bondage,  one 
of  the  lambs  shook  its  head,  thus  signifying  that  the  goddess  was 
pleased  with  the  sacrifice.  The  lamb  which  did  not  shake  its 
head  was  promply  treated  to  another  splash  of  water  and  applica- 
tion of  colored  powder,  when  it  also  shook  its  head.  One  of  the 
women  explained  that  this  delay  was  caused  by  her  neglecting  to 
give  a  promised  cloth  to  the  gods,  but  as  she  had  now  renewed 
the  promise  the  sacrifice  had  been  accepted. 

"  Since  the  offerings  were  now  acceptable  to  the  goddess,  the 
washermen  each  seized  a  lamb  and  coolly  cutting  off  the  heads, 
allowed  the  blood  to  flow  out  on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  image. 
Then  each  severed  a  forefoot  from  each  lamb  and  hung  them 
up  beside  a  lot  of  such  feet  of  various  animals  which  were  already 
dangling  in  front  of  the  images.  This  seemed  done  with  the 
intention  that  the  goddess  should  not  soon  forget  their  offerings. 


Kanaka  Diirgamma  and  Poshamma  6i 

"When  the  worship  was  over  the  children  received  the  food, 
the  worshipers  the  mutton,  the  washermen  each  a  lamb's  head,  and 
the  poor  ]\Iadiga  received,  I  am  told,  about  two  thirds  of  a  cent  for 
his  pains.  The  reason  for  this  w^orship  was  that  chicken  pox  had 
recently  been  in  the  village,  and  this  was  a  thank  offering  for  pro- 
tection, or  more  probably  the  fulfillment  of  a  vow  to  be  paid  if  they 
w^ere  protected.  Just  as  I  was  riding  away  a  young  man  of  the 
family  ran  up  with  the  new  cloth  which  had  been  promised,  pre- 
sented the  cloth  to  the  goddess,  bowing  low  before  her,  and  then 
appropriated  the  cloth  for  his  own  wardrobe." 


CHAPTER  VIII 
Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities 

The  great  majority  of  Dravidian  deities  are  of  local  origin,  and 
in  those  cases  where  a  local  story  cannot  be  secured  it  is  very 
probable  that  there  was  a  local  origin,  the  history  of  which  has 
been  lost.  In  this  chapter  the  local  legends  of  a  number  of  the 
gods  whose  worship  has  been  described  will  be  given,  together 
with  typical  stories  of  other  gods  whose  worship  it  is  not  necessary 
to  describe. 

These  local  stories  are  of  the  greatest  importance  in  a  study  of 
the  Dravidian  gods.  With  no  writings  and  no  systems  of  philos- 
ophy or  theology,  these  are  practically  the  only  sources  from  which 
we  may  secure  any  light  on  the  history  and  development  of  the 
worship  as  well  as  upon  the  question  of  the  fundamental  reasons 
for  the  development  of  the  system. 

The  legends  of  the  Seven  Sisters,  while  no  doubt  originally  sim- 
ilar to  those  relating  to  the  other  Dravidian  gods,  have  become  so 
much  connected  with  Hindu  legends  that  they  will  be  noticed  in 
Chapter  IX  in  connection  with  the  stories  given  there.  The 
Perantalu  goddesses  are  always  local,  and  each  one  has  her  own 
story. 

The  legend  of  Buchamma^  is  that  she  was  a  virtuous  woman,  the 
daughter  of  a  man  of  the  Kaiiinia  branch  of  the  Sudra  caste.  At 
one  time  her  husband  went  to  another  village  on  business,  and  soon 
a  messenger  came  bringing  the  tidings  that  he  had  died.  It  was  too 
terrible  to  believe,  so  she  sent  another  messenger  who  returned 
with  the  same  report.  She  hurried  to  her  dead  husband,  and 
found  that  the  funeral  pyre  had  already  been  erected.  She  forbade 
them  burn  the  body,  and  then  constructed  a  fire-pit  with  a  struc- 
ture above  it  such  as  the  watchers  sit  on  in  the  fields.  On  this  she 
placed  the  body  of  her  husband,  and  then  mounted  it  herself.  She 
then  besought  the  bystanders  to  set  the  wood  on  fire  in  the  fire-pit. 

2  See  page  34. 

62 


PLATE  VI 


DRAN'IDIAN    DKITIKS    TN    THE    AIAKING 

'I'hc  couple  seated  are  dead.  The  woman  (IiciwiumI  lierself  wlien  her  liusliand  was 
dying.  Hearing  of  lier  act  of  devotion,  he  died  very  happy.  This  occurred  in  1912, 
but  already  the  names  of  these  dead  people  are  spoken  only  in  whispers,  and  they  are 
thought  to  have  great  powers.  It  is  probable  that  within  another  generation  the 
woman    w-ill    become   a    Perantalu. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  63 

With  some  protestations  they  at  last  consented,  and  she  was  con- 
sumed with  her  husband. 

Four  days  later  a  ^lala  was  passing  the  fire-pit,  and  seeing  a  bit 
of  Buchamma's  cloth  which  had  not  been  burned,  he  turned  it  over 
with  the  stick  in  his  hand.  That  night  the  spirit  of  Buchamma 
appeared  to  her  father  saying  that  she  had  been  defiled  by  this 
touch  and  needed  to  be  purified.  Her  father  went  to  the  fire-pit 
and  after  searching  in  the  ashes,  found  her  jewels  and  tali  botii  or 
wedding  symbol.  He  purified  them  and  kept  them  in  a  pot.  Soon 
these  relics  were  thought  to  have  magical  powers,  and  many  began 
to  worship  them.  The  worship  rapidly  expanded ;  a  temple  was 
built ;  a  stone  image  was  made,  and  Buchamma  became  a  regular 
village  deity. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  this  story  of  the  origin  of  the  worship 
of  Buchamma  is  true.  The  tendency  to  deify  widows  who  have 
performed  sati  is  always  strong.  Her  marked  devotion  to  her 
husband  appears  to  be  the  characteristic  which  placed  Buchamma 
in  the  list  of  Perantalus. 

The  story  of  Lingamma-  runs  as  follows.  In  Mupparazuvarl- 
palem,  Darsi  Taluq,  Nellore  District,  lived  a  woman  called  Lin- 
gamma. She  was  of  the  Sudra  caste,  but  she  and  her  husband  were- 
poor,  and  worked  in  the  house  of  a  rich  man  of  the  same  caste.. 
Once  some  valuables  were  missing  from  the  house  and  suspicion' 
pointed  to  Lingamma.  Her  employer  made  her  much  trouble  and 
was  about  to  take  legal  proceedings  against  her,  when  she  ended 
the  matter  by  jumping  into  a  well  and  drowning  herself. 

A  few  days  after  this  tragic  death,  troubles  began  to  come  to 
the  household  of  her  employer.  A  little  later  Lingamma  appeared 
to  him  in  a  dream  and  told  him  that  because  of  his  cruelty  she 
was  bringing  these  troubles  upon  him.  She  also  threatened  him 
with  worse  disasters  if  he  did  not  institute  a  proper  worship  for 
her.  His  response  evidently  was  not  satisfactory,  for  Lingamma 
immediately  brought  a  scourge  of  cholera  upon  the  village  and 
appeared  to  many  as  a  devil.  All  were  now  thoroughly  frightened, 
and  led  by  Lingamma's  former  employer,  they  built  a  temple  of 

1  See  page  34. 


64  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

some  importance,  prepared  an  image  of  both  Lingamma  and  her 
husband,  and  instituted  the  worship  already  described. 

We  may  here  see  the  uncertain  state  of  Perantalu  worship. 
Lingamma  was  at  first  considered  a  devil,  and  her  worship  was 
well  on  the  way  to  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  ordinary  demoness. 
Since,  however,  she  was  a  faithful  wife,  dying  before  her  husband, 
she  was  placed  in  the  Perantalu  category,  and  the  ceremonies  show 
almost  no  sign  of  demon  worship.  As  we  have  seen,  it  is  a  time  of 
general  merry-making,  and  of  the  mildest  form  of  Perantalu  wor- 
ship. Temperamental  dififerences  in  the  worshipers  are  probably 
a  contributing  cause  in  such  variations  as  this. 

The  worship  of  Usuramma^  has  continued  for  a  long  time,  and 
the  story  which  accounts  for  its  origin  is  not  very  definite.  Usur- 
amma  was  a  woman  of  good  deeds  who  died  before  her  husband. 
Soon  after  her  death  there  was  an  outbreak  of  sickness  in  the  vil- 
lage. The  people  addressed  themselves  to  a  diviner  to  learn  the 
cause.  She  became  possessed  of  a  spirit  which  spoke  to  the  people 
through  the  diviner.  The  spirit  said  that  she  was  Usuramma,  and 
that  she  was  bringing  all  this  trouble  because,  while  she  was 
worthy  to  be  worshiped,  they  had  entirely  neglected  her.  She  in- 
structed them  to  build  her  a  shrine  outside  the  village  where  the 
pounding  of  the  grain  and  the  crowing  of  the  cocks  would  not  dis- 
turb her.  She  promised,  if  this  was  done,  to  come  and  inhabit  the 
shrine,  and  that  she  would  then  receive  their  gifts  and  in  return 
would  protect  them. 

The  stories  of  the  local  origin  of  the  fiercer  Saktis,  such  as  are 
described  above,*  are  not  common.  Many  of  these  Saktis  are 
demons  which  do  not  appear  to  have  been  incarnated,  and  so  have 
no  stories.  Where  stories  do  exist,  the  nature  of  the  Saktis  and 
fear  of  them,  would  prevent  the  stories  from  being  popular.  An 
occasional  legend  is  found  of  the  human  origin  of  a  Sakti. 

Tota  Kuramma  is  a  Sakti  whose  history  is  told.  The  story  is 
that  at  one  time  there  was  a  great  feast  in  a  Hindu  house.  These 
Hindus  were  not  Brahmans  and  had  prepared  mutton  and  pork 
for  the  feast.     While  they  were  eating,  a  begging  Mohammedan 

3  See  page  34. 
•*  See  pp.  40  sq. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  65 

and  his  wife  came  to  the  house  to  ask  ahns  from  the  guests.  The 
head  of  the  house  kindly  invited  them  to  come  in  and  eat.  They 
accepted  the  invitation,  and  sat  down.  But  the  curry  which  was 
brought  contained  pork.  Seeing  this  the  beggars  were  very  angry 
and  going  out,  drowned  themselves  in  a  well. 

From  that  time  these  two  Mohammedans  have  been  wandering 
demons.  They  go  about  the  villages  at  night  and  call,  Kuraf 
Tota  kura!  which  means  vegetables,  or  commonly  simply  spinach. 
If  anyone  goes  out  to  purchase  the  vegetables  the  demons  will  say, 
"  May  your  mouth  fall,"  which  means,  may  your  speech  be  para- 
lyzed, and  as  soon  as  these  words  are  spoken  the  one  thus  cursed 
falls  down  and  dies.^ 

There  is  another  current  story  which  is  somewhat  more  pleas- 
ing. A  Alohammedan  woman  and  a  Hindu  woman  were  intimate 
friends.  One  day  the  Hindu  woman  asked  the  Mohammedan 
woman  to  eat  with  her,  and  not  thinking  of  the  Mohammedan  atti- 
tude toward  pigs,  gave  her  pork  curry.  The  guest  recognized  the 
meat,  but  so  great  was  her  love  for  the  Hindu  woman  that  she  ate 
it  without  comment,  and  then  in  shame  for  her  defilement  threw 
herself  into  a  well  and  was  drowned.  The  Hindu  woman,  learn- 
ing what  had  happened,  was  fil'ed  with  sorrow  and  remorse,  and 
throwing  herself  into  the  same  well  was  also  drowned.  Accord- 
ing to  this  story  it  is  the  spirits  of  these  two  women  who  are  the 
demons.  The  name  Tota  Kuramma  is  in  the  singular  number,  and 
appears  to  be  the  appellation  for  the  spirit  of  the  ^lohammedan 
woman. 

A  local  variation  of  this  story^  is  to  the  effect  that  a  Moham- 
medan woman  was  found  in  sin  with  a  washerman.  Her  relatives, 
hearing  of  this,  drove  her  out,  and  she  threw  herself  into  a  well 
and  was  drowned.     Soon  after  her  ghost  appeared  and  played  with 

^  It  is  commonly  said  that  anj'  demon  calls  three  times  in  the  night,  so 
no  one  responds  to  a  call  at  night  until  it  has  been  repeated  four  times. 
See  Manual  of  Administration  of  Madras  Presidency,  p.  81. 

^  This  story  is  current  in  the  Darsi  Taluq.  It  is  said  that  in  this  region 
thieves  make  use  of  the  cry,  Tota  kura!  to  frighten  the  people  so  that  they 
will  stay  in  their  houses  while  the  plundering  is  going  on.  The  people  have 
learned  this,  and  their  faith  in  Tota  Kuramma,  and  fear  of  her,  have  much 
diminished. 


66  Dravidian  Gods  in  IModern  Hinduism 

the  children.  When  asked  its  name  the  ghost  repHed  that  she  was 
Tota  Kiiramma,  and  gave  directions  that  she  must  be  worshiped. 

It  does  not  appear  that  these  demons  are  worshiped,  and  they 
have  no  image.  For  protection  against  them  a  spot  about  six 
inches  in  diameter  on  the  outer  wall  near  the  door,  is  smeared 
with  yellow  earth.  On  this  whitewash  is  spattered,  and  on  the 
whitewash  are  placed  the  hotlu,  the  red  marks  which  are  used  in 
Hindu  worship.  The  whitewash  represents  the  ^Mohammedans, 
as  they  commonly  decorate  their  houses  in  this  way,  and  the  hotlu 
represent  the  Hindus.  It  is  commonly  said  that  when  the  demons 
pass  along  the  street  and  see  these  symbols,  they  will  say,  "  Aly 
big  sister  is  being  worshiped  in  that  house,  so  it  is  no  place  for 
me."  That  is,  they  think  a  stronger  demon  is  there,  and  so 
pass  on. 

The  story  of  the  origin  of  the  demons  at  the  Xattaryan  temple^ 
runs  as  follows.  Years  ago  a  Brahman  and  a  Sudra  found  them- 
selves together  at  this  place,  where  there  was  already  a  shrine  to  a 
jungle  demoness  called  Peycchiammon.  As  is  usual  in  these 
stories,  there  was  a  woman  in  the  case,  and  because  of  her  un- 
faithfulness the  Brahman  resolved  to  become  a  hermit  and  die 
there.  The  Sudra,  being  his  friend,  resolved  to  do  the  same. 
They  built  a  small  hut  and  spent  the  remainder  of  their  lives  in 
peace  together.  After  the  death  of  the  hermits  some  of  their 
followers  built  two  shrines  in  memory  of  them,  one  for  the  god 
Nattarayan  in  honor  of  the  Brahman,  and  one  for  the  god  \'irab- 
hadra  in  honor  of  the  Sudra.  Virabhadra,®  sometimes  called 
]\Iunniyappan,  is  an  incarnation  of  Siva's  anger.  Although  the 
temple  was  built  by  Hindus,  it  is  evident  that  the  Dravidians 
adopted  this  god  as  one  of  their  local  deities,  for  he  is  now  con- 
sidered a  terrible  demon,  and  is  even  called  Maha  Saitan,  the  prince 
of  devils.  He  and  the  original  Dravidian  demoness  are  the  ones 
who  have  the  power  to  cast  out  evil  spirits. 

The  most  common  story  of  the  origin  of  Kanaka  Durgamma^  is 

7  See  page  55. 

*  See  Moor,  Hindu  Pantheon,  Madras,  1864.  p.  246;  also  Wilkins,  Hindu 
Mythology,  Calcutta,  1900,  p.  445. 
^  See  page  57. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  67 

that  she  was  a  woman  of  the  Komatie  or  merchant  caste,  living 
near  Bezwada.  She  fell  sick  and  during  her  illness  had  a  great 
craving  for  meat.  It  was  not  given  to  her,  and  later  she  died. 
Soon  the  cattle  in  the  village  began  to  die,  and  it  was  reported  that 
Kanakamma  had  returned  to  satisfy  her  craving  for  flesh  food. 
She  was  at  once  propitiated  with  blood,  and  her  worship  established. 
The  woman's  original  name  was  Kanakamma,  but  as  she  was 
considered  now  to  be  a  Sakti,  the  name  Durgamma  was  added, 
and  her  own  name  changed  to  mean  "  The  Golden  Durga." 

Another  quite  different  story  is  that  there  were  seven  Brahman 
brothers  in  a  village  who  had  one  sister,  Kanakamma.  Her  con- 
duct filled  them  with  suspicions,  and  when  she  heard  of  their 
state  of  mind  she  drowned  herself  in  a  well.  The  people  of  the 
village  feared  a  police  investigation,  and  they  started  the  story 
that  Kanakamma  had  become  a  Sakti  and  entered  the  hills.  The 
spirit  of  Kanakamma  came  upon  a  little  girl  who  spoke  for  her, 
and  thus  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  the  woman  was  ac- 
counted for. 

The  story  that  Kanakamma  had  become  a  goddess  was  not  so 
easily  stopped  as  was  the  investigation.  When  the  body  was  taken 
from  the  well  and  buried,  the  people  began  to  worship  at  that 
place,  and  soon  built  her  a  temple.  Here  her  worship  is  that  of  a 
village  goddess,  and  it  is  when  she  wanders  from  this  place  that 
she  becomes  a  demon  to  be  carried  out  of  the  villages.  The  word 
durgarnn  means  a  hill  fortress,  and  according  to  this  story  the 
name  Durgamma  was  given  to  Kanakamma  because  she  went 
to  the  hills. 

Kanaka  Durgamma  is  a  very  recent  goddess.  She  seems  not  to 
have  been  known  a  generation  ago.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable, 
therefore,  that  there  is  not  more  definiteness  regarding  her  origin. 
It  is  probable  that  the  story  will  assume  more  definite  form  as 
time  goes  on. 

In  a  village  in  the  western  part  of  the  Kandukuru  Taluq  the 
household  gods  in  a  certain  house  are  a  small  golden  horn  and  a 
pair  of  golden  drums.  The  worship  of  these  is  said  to  be  not 
more  than  twenty  years  old.  In  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the 
worship  the  following  story  is  told. 


68  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

A  Madiga  horn-blower,  who  was  a  demon  worshiper,  was  a 
frequent  visitor  in  the  village.  He  knew  many  mantrams,  and  all 
the  people  stood  in  great  fear  of  him.  After  a  time  he  established 
illicit  relations  with  a  beautiful  caste  woman,  the  davighter  of  a 
rich  man.  The  matter  became  known  to  the  people  of  the  house, 
but  they  were  unable  to  do  anything  to  prevent  it.  Soon  the  vil- 
lagers heard  of  what  was  going  on,  and  they  with  the  girl's  father 
prepared  a  plan  for  the  murder  of  the  horn-blower. 

When  the  horn-blower  again  came  to  the  village,  the  girl's 
father  called  him  saying,  "  There  is  a  devil  in  my  house.  A  child 
is  sick.  The  signs  are  definite.  Come  and  drive  out  the  devil." 
The  man  agreed  and  came  to  the  house.  He  performed  the  usual 
ceremonies,  but  the  demon  would  not  leave.  A  midnight  visit 
was  then  planned  to  the  shrine  of  Poleramma.  Taking  the  usual 
pots  and  other  articles,  he  called  about  twenty  people,  and  they 
went  to  the  little  temple  outside  the  village. 

When  they  arrived  at  the  temple  he  called  for  the  goat  which 
was  to  be  sacrificed.  The  people  replied  that  it  was  ready  and 
would  be  produced  when  he  had  made  the  preparations.  Accord- 
ingly he  arranged  the  pots  and  offerings,  drew  the  muggu,  made 
an  image  of  a  demon  in  the  dust,  and  then  asked  that  the  goat  be 
brought.  Then  the  people  cried  out,  "You  are  our  goat,"  and 
seizing  the  sword  attempted  to  cut  his  throat.  But  no  matter 
how  hard  they  tried  the  sword  would  not  cut. 

The  horn-blower  feeling  that  he  had  been  disgraced,  and  not 
wanting  to  live  any  longer,  now  said,  "  O  fools,  what  are  you  do- 
ing? Why  are  you  thus  persecuting  me?  It  is  impossible  for 
you  to  kill  me.  You  have  satisfied  your  vengeance,  and  now  I 
wish  to  die.  There  is  a  knot  in  my  hair.  Cut  it  out  and  take  out 
the  amulet  and  you  will  succeed."  They  did  as  directed,  and  two 
little  sticks  flew  out  of  the  knot  of  hair.  The  charm  was  now 
gone,  and  the  people  killed  him,  and  throwing  his  body  into  a 
hole,  trod  on  it. 

The  villagers  now  went  to  their  homes,  but  their  troubles  were 
only  beginning.  In  the  morning  the  village  was  filled  with  con- 
sternation.    Some  of  the  people  went  mad,  and  some  children 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  69 

and  cattle  suddenly  sickened  and  died.  When  the  people  turned 
their  eyes  toward  their  fields  they  saw  that  a  blight  was  already 
destroying  the  standing  grain. 

The  afflicted  villagers  now  visited  a  diviner.  She  became  pos- 
sessed of  a  spirit  which  proved  to  be  that  of  the  dead  man  who 
now  spoke,  accusing  them  of  his  murder,  and  saying  that  their 
only  relief  would  be  to  worship  him.  But  they  said,  "  Chee, 
would  we  worship  a  Madiga  ? "  They  then  went  to  another 
diviner,  and  again  to  a  third,  with  the  same  result.  Finally  the 
rich  man  consented  and  had  the  horn  and  drums  made  and  the 
worship  instituted. 

This  story  is  rather  unusual.  It  is  probably  true  in  its  main 
points,  for  it  happened  recently,  and  is  agreed  to  by  all  the  vil- 
lagers. These  stories  are  told  by  the  horn-blowers,  and  the  desire 
of  this  class  of  people  to  instill  into  the  villagers  a  proper  respect 
for  themselves  may  account  for  some  features  of  it.  It  further 
appears  from  this  tale  that  male  gods  are  not  likely  to  become 
village  deities.  They  may  be  worshiped,  but  their  worship  is 
something  outside  that  which  is  usually  given  to  the  village  god- 
desses. The  general  interest  which  the  villagers  took  in  this  dead 
man,  and  the  general  nature  of  the  disasters  which  came  upon 
them,  would  most  certainly  have  created  a  village  deity,  had  the 
spirit  been  that  of  a  woman. 

Gonti,  a  goddess  of  the  Alalas,  had  the  more  common  outcome 
of  becoming  a  village  goddess  for  this  caste.  The  story  runs  that 
there  was  once  a  young  woman  of  Sudra  birth  who  lived  in  the 
north  country.  She  had  brothers  but  no  sisters.  She  was  dis- 
covered in  sin  with  a  Madiga,  and  her  brothers  hearing  of  it  tried 
to  kill  her.  Gonti  fled  and  hid  in  the  house  of  the  man  with 
whom  she  had  been  in  improper  relations.  Soon  a  young  man 
came  to  the  house.  He  would  have  been  her  brother-in-law  ac- 
cording to  the  new  relationship.  She  failed  to  arise  and  show 
him  the  respect  due  a  brother-in-law,  and  when  she  became  aware 
of  her  neglect,  she  fled  to  the  fields,  ashamed  and  also  evidently 
fearing  the  Madigas. 

Some  Mala  men  saw  Gonti  as  she  was  wandering  in  the  field, 


70  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

and  she  told  them  her  story.  They  promised  to  protect  her,  and 
concealed  her  during  the  day  beneath  a  huge  heap  of  straw. 
When  evening  came  they  returned  to  the  village,  and  taking  Gonti 
with  them,  they  placed  her  on  a  beam  in  the  roof  of  their  house 
in  order  to  conceal  her.  At  night  they  fastened  the  door  on  the 
outside,  but  the  next  morning  she  was  gone  and  the  door  had  not 
been  opened.  Now  they  were  filled  with  fear,  for  they  believed 
her  to  be  a  goddess,  and  that  they  had  offended  her  in  some  way. 

For  some  unexplained  reason  the  worship  of  Gonti  is  connected 
with  the  rains.  A  Mala  woman  is  the  pujari,  and  receives  many 
gifts  at  the  time  of  the  ceremonies.  When  there  is  famine  for 
lack  of  rain,  an  image  of  Gonti  is  made  and  deposited  on  the 
boundaries  in  the  usual  way.  In  this  respect  she  has  become  a 
Sakti  and  her  presence  in  the  village  is  not  considered  desirable. 

At  the  annual  festival  the  ceremonies  have  a  more  joyful  nature. 
An  image  is  made  of  earth  and  a  pot  placed  over  it  to  conceal 
it  from  the  Madigas  from  whom  Gonti  fled.  Dried  grass  is  placed 
in  a  grain  mortar,  and  meanwhile  the  clouds  are  watched.  The 
ceremony  is  arranged  for  a  time  when  rain  seems  near.  When  it 
begins  to  rain,  they  say  that  Gonti  has  come,  and  place  a  pot  of 
milk  over  the  dried  grass,  which  is  then  ignited.  W^hile  the  fire 
burns  the  women  sing  amorous  songs  to  awaken  Gonti,  and  call 
her  by  name.  When  at  last  the  milk  in  the  pot  begins  to  bubble, 
they  raise  a  great  shout,  thinking  that  Gonti  has  heard  them. 
After  worshiping  the  image,  remembering  that  Gonti  once  ran 
away  and  probably  still  wants  to  do  so,  they  place  the  image  in  a 
basket  and  after  passing  it  from  hand  to  hand,  deposit  it  on  the 
rubbish  heap. 

One  unusual  feature  in  this  story  of  Gonti  is  that  there  is  no 
account  of  her  death.  Almost  universally  it  is  the  ghost  of  one 
who  has  died  who  returns  and  becomes  the  deity. 

Podilamma  is  a  goddess  of  more  than  usual  importance.  Her 
temple  is  near  the  village  of  Podili,  a  taJuq  town  in  the  Nellore 
District.  She  is  the  tutelary  goddess  of  this  town,  to  which  she 
has  given  her  name.     They  tell  the  following  story  of  her  origin. 

Some  Sudra  farmers  lived  in  a  hamlet  at  some  distance  from 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  yi 

the  present  village  of  Podili.  One  day  they  were  treading  out 
the  grain  with  the  oxen  in  a  distant  field.  Their  sister  was  to 
bring  them  the  midday  meal.  On  the  way  in  a  lonely  place  she 
met  a  man.  She  put  down  her  basket  and  was  late  in  arriving 
with  the  food.  When  she  arrived,  her  brothers  caught  her  and 
threw  her  beneath  the  feet  of  the  oxen,  for  they  had  been  watch- 
ing her  while  she  came,  and  believed  her  to  be  guilty. 

The  girl  evidently  killed  disappeared  under  the  feet  of  the  cattle 
among  the  sheaves.  Later  when  they  removed  the  straw  to 
winnow  the  grain  they  did  not  find  the  body,  but  found  a  stone. 
A  man  standing  near  became  possessed  with  the  spirit  of  the  girl 
and  she  spoke  through  him.  She  said  that  she  had  been  unjustly 
Tcilled,  and  that  they  must  worship  her  or  great  evils  would  fol- 
low. All  the  people  who  heard  this  were  terrified,  and  placing 
the  stone  in  a  desirable  place  they  began  its  worship. 

Podilamma,  for  such  was  the  name  of  the  girl,  had  now  be- 
come a  deity  and  soon  became  noted  for  power  to  cure  sickness. 
A  rich  man  who  had  some  serious  illness  made  a  vow  to  her,  and 
was  cured.  In  payment  of  his  vow  he  had  an  image  made  for 
Podilamma,  but  it  was  hideous  and  all  the  people  feared  it.  Then 
another  man  fulfilled  a  vow  by  having  a  more  beautiful  image 
made,  and  now  both  images  are  in  the  temple.  The  older  image 
is  of  stone  and  has  silver  eyes  which  are  kept  bright,  and  with  a 
carefully  arranged  light  glare  in  such  a  way  as  to  strike  terror  to 
the  heart  of  the  worshiper.  The  newer  image  is  of  wood  and  is 
gaily  clothed. 

Like  Gonti,  Podilamma  is  unusual  in  that  the  pujari  is  a  wo- 
man. The  Venkatigiri  Rajah,  in  whose  dominions  Podili  is  situ- 
ated, has  given  about  twelve  acres  of  land  for  the  support  of  the 
temple.  The  ofiferings  are  made  in  the  name  of  the  rajah.  The 
pujari  receives  the  offerings  and  lives  from  them  and  the  income 
from  the  land. 

The  story  of  Mundla  Mudamma  is  somewhat  striking.  In  a 
village  near  Kandukuru  lived  a  little  girl  of  the  Kamrna  branch 
'of  the  Sudra  caste,  who  went  daily  with  the  other  children  to  herd 
the  cattle  in  the  waste  land  which  is  covered  with  bushes  and 


72  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

small  trees.  The  children  often  played  in  the  open  plain  while 
the  cattle  were  grazing.  They  played  a  game  in  which  they 
knocked  small  sticks  with  clubs.  It  was  quite  a  boys'  game,  but 
this  little  girl,  Mundla  Mudamma,  won  every  game.  The  boys 
made  great  efforts  to  win,  but  with  no  success. 

One  day  a  traveler  saw  the  game,  and  was  filled  with  wonder, 
for  in  India  it  is  not  thought  possible  for  a  female  to  have  any 
superiority  over  a  male.  While  he  still  watched  the  children,  the 
cattle  strayed  into  the  field  of  a  farmer,  who  in  anger  began  to 
drive  them  to  the  village  pound.  The  traveler  seeing  this  drew 
the  attention  of  the  children  to  it,  but  the  little  girl  called  to  them 
that  they  need  not  worry  about  the  cattle.  She  then  made  a  shrill 
cry  and  all  the  cattle  came  running  toward  her.  The  angry  farmer 
tried  to  gather  them  together  again  to  drive  them  to  the  pound, 
but  all  in  vain.  That  night  in  the  village  the  stranger  greatly 
excited  all  the  people  by  telling  them  what  he  had  seen. 

The  people  now  watched  Mundla  Mudamma,  and  on  another 
day  when  the  cattle  had  been  driven  to  the  pound,  she  made  her 
cry  and  they  all  jumped  the  walls  and  came  running  to  her.  The 
villagers  now  began  to  fear  her,  and  thought  it  best  to  put  an  end 
to  her  activities.  There  are  at  least  two  stories  of  how  this  came 
about.  One  is  that  they  decided  to  kill  her,  but  she  heard  of  it 
and  drowned  herself  in  a  well.  Then  her  spirit  appeared  in  the 
village  and  through  a  diviner  demanded  worship. 

The  other  story  is  that  a  man  who  had  power  with  mantrams 
brought  it  about  by  his  arts  that  Mundla  Mudamma  should  not  be 
able  to  pass  beyond  a  certain  limited  area.  She  soon  discovered 
the  restrictions  placed  upon  her  movements,  and  one  day  she  sud- 
denly vanished,  while  in  her  place  a  black  stone  appeared.  When 
the  people  saw  this  stone  they  were  greatly  terrified.  They  called 
a  workman  and  after  having  the  stone  graven  into  the  form  of  a 
woman,  they  built  a  temple  for  it. 

The  stone  appeared  at  the  place  where  Mundla  ^Mudamma 
herded  the  cattle,  and  it  was  at  this  place  that  the  temple  was 
erected.  Many  people  thinking  that  this  was  a  favored  place 
built  their  houses  there,  and  a  village  has  grown  up  which  has 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  73 

the  same  name  as  the  goddess.  Like  Podilamma,  the  tutelary 
goddess  appears  to  have  been  the  founder  of  the  village.  Her 
worship  usually  lasts  for  nine  days  and  includes  all  the  charac- 
teristic features  along  with  much  merry-making. 

The  story  of  Ladothamma  has  some  similarities  with  that  of 
Mundla  ^ludamma.  It  contains  more  pathos  than  is  usually 
found  in  these  legends.  Ladothamma  was  the  little  daughter  of 
parents  of  the  Reddi  branch  of  the  Sudra  caste.  She  was  much 
loved  by  her  parents,  but  when  she  was  five  or  six  years  old  she 
died.  A  short  time  afterward  when  the  village  children  were 
playing,  Ladothamma  appeared  among  them  and  played  with  them 
as  she  had  done  before  she  died.  The  children  told  this  to 
Ladothamma's  parents,  and  they  came  with  great  eagerness  to  see 
her,  but  while  the  children  saw  her  day  by  day,  she  was  never 
visible  to  the  parents. 

At  last  her  parents  gave  up  any  hope  of  seeing  Ladothamma 
again,  but  they  built  a  temple  for  her  and  placed  a  stone  in  it. 
This  happened  a  long  time  ago,  but  the  worship  has  steadily  in- 
creased in  importance  so  that  as  recently  as  the  year  1912  a  new 
image  of  the  five  sacred  metals  was  made  for  her  and  fitted  over 
the  stone  image.  This  indicates  a  long  step  toward  the  adoption 
of  Ladothamma  into  the  Hindu  pantheon. 

The  unusual  feature  of  the  deifying  of  Ladothamma  is  that 
while  the  ghosts  which  become  deities  commonly  bring  injury  to 
people  and  cattle,  and  thus  secure  worship,  there  is  nothing  of  the 
kind  connected  with  this  little  girl.  Even  the  children  did  not 
fear  her.  LTnfortunately,  also,  not  many  of  the  stories  are  so 
pure  and  so  pleasing  in  their  nature  as  this  one  is.  The  following 
story  is  an  example  of  those  which  are  far  more  general. 

In  the  Nizam's  dominions  in  the  Deccan  there  lived  a  Sudra 
girl  named  Nagamma,  who  in  due  time  was  married  to  a  man  of 
her  own  caste.  Later  she  had  illegitimate  relations  with  a  bar- 
ber, and  her  husband  and  brothers  drove  her  from  home.  She 
went  to  her  parents,  but  they  would  not  receive  her,  so  she  lived 
by  herself  in  her  native  village,  Chetty  Palem. 

At  this  time  a  village  doctor  became  infatuated  with  her.     Soon 


74  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

a  son  was  born  to  her,  of  whom  the  barber  was  the  father,  but 
the  doctor  took  both  her  and  her  son  to  his  house,  and  she  Hved 
with  him.  But  now  the  village  kcrnam,  or  clerk,  a  Brahman, 
became  interested  in  her.  The  doctor  observed  what  was  taking 
place,  but  as  the  kernam  is  a  man  of  importance  and  authority, 
he  raised  no  objections.  After  some  time  her  relations  with  the 
kernam  became  so  intimate  that  he  openly  took  her  to  his  house, 
where  she  lived  until  her  death,  some  ten  or  fifteen  years  later. 

When  the  kernam  took  Nagamma  to  his  house  he  was  a  poor 
man,  but  she  was  of  the  farmer  caste  and  immediately  took  hold 
of  his  afifairs  and  handled  the  servants  and  farm  work  so  effi- 
ciently that  soon  he  became  well-to-do.  After  she  died  he  built 
a  temple  for  her,  and  as  a  sign  of  especial  honor,  made  an  image 
with  his  own  hands  to  represent  her.  As  she  was  particularly 
interested  in  agriculture,  the  temple  was  built  outside  the  village 
in  the  fields.  The  kernam  himself  became  the  pitjari,  which  no 
doubt  continues  to  add  to  his  prosperity.  The  worship  is  simple,, 
the  especial  object  being  for  good  crops.  There  are  offerings  of 
blood. 

This  is  a  very  recent  goddess,  as  the  death  of  Nagamma  oc- 
curred only  a  few  years  ago,  and  the  kernam  is  still  living.  It 
will  be  interesting  to  watch  the  development  of  the  worship.  The 
unusual  feature  in  the  origin  of  this  goddess  is  that  an  ordinary 
Dravidian  deity  of  the  village  type  was  established  by  a  Brahman. 
There  appears  also  to  have  been  no  ghost  story  connected  with 
Nagamma,  but  her  deification  was  the  result  of  the  arbitrary  de- 
cision of  the  kernam. 

Verdatchamma  is  the  name  of  a  goddess  whose  temple  is  built 
on  a  small  island  in  the  great  Cumbum  irrigation  tank.  She  has 
a  second  temple  on  the  bank  of  the  tank.  Her  story  contains  the 
unusual  feature  of  human  sacrifice."  When  she  lived  on  earth 
as  a  woman,  she  and  her  husband  did  not  dwell  together,  as  she 
was  said  to  be  born  of  the  gods.  It  is  a  fact  established  in  history 
that  a  nabob  gave  her  a  large  tract  of  land.  The  probable  ex- 
planation of  her  acquiring  the  reputation  of  having  been  born  of 

i"^  On  human  sacrifices  in  India  see  note  12,  page  47. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  75. 

the  gods  is  the  use  she  made  of  her  gift.  The  fact  that  she  did 
not  dwell  with  her  husband  indicates  an  unusual  condition  in. 
Hindu  society,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  called  her  a  Sakti  be- 
cause of  her  unwifely  attitude. 

Verdatchamma  gave  the  money  to  construct  the  great  tank 
which  Hes  between  two  high  hills.  There  were  two  chief  diggers, 
probably  maistrics,  or  foremen  of  gangs.  Every  day  they  dug" 
and  every  night  the  bank  broke  away.  The  story  goes  that  these 
two  men,  who  were  brothers,  then  ascended  the  two  hills  and  dis- 
cussed the  matter,  quarreling  over  it.  While  they  were  having" 
this  angry  discussion  a  voice  came  from  the  ground  in  the  tank. 
It  said,  "  If  you  will  make  a  human  sacrifice  I  will  stand." 

Two  shepherd  boys  named  Pedda  Kambudu  and  Chinna  Kam- 
budu,  heard  these  words  as  they  were  herding  their  sheep.  They 
reported  the  words  to  Verdatchamma,  and  ofifered  to  be  the  sacri- 
fices themselves.  Their  only  request  was  that  their  memory 
should  in  some  way  be  perpetuated.  The  boys  were  slain,  and  in 
their  names  two  pipes  were  placed  in  the  bank  of  the  tank  to  dis- 
charge the  water.  The  tank  was  then  completed  without  further 
trouble. 

So  runs  the  story,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
human  sacrifice  was  made.  There  may  be  some  doubt,  however, 
as  to  the  willingness  of  the  victims.  Verdatchamma  later  built 
herself  a  temple  on  the  island  in  the  tank  and  is  said  to  have  died 
there.  The  people  believing  her  to  be  a  goddess,  built  another 
temple  on  the  tank  bank,  and  erected  two  stones  to  the  murdered 
boys.  The  usual  bloody  offerings  are  made  at  this  second  temple 
and  before  the  stones  representing  the  boys. 

Such  deities  rise  and  fall.  Bandlamma  is  an  example  of  one 
whose  worship  is  evidently  passing  away.  She  appears  to  be  a 
purely  local  deity.  The  word  bandlii  means  carts,  and  she  ap- 
pears to  be  the  goddess  of  the  carts.  The  story  is  told  that  she 
was  originally  a  goddess  in  the  village  of  Chandaluru,  Nellore 
District,  but  one  day  she  followed  some  carts  which  were  going 
on  the  road  to  Madras.  At  night  they  camped  at  the  village  of 
Ravuru,  near  Ramapatnam.  That  night  she  appeared  in  a  dream 
to  one  of  the  cartmen  who  was  a  native  of  that  place,  and  told. 


76  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

him  that  she  desired  to  change  her  residence,  and  would  protect 
them  if  they  built  her  a  temple  and  worshiped  her. 

Bandlamma  soon  became  a  usual  village  goddess.  The  out- 
standing feature  of  her  worship  is  the  hook-swinging  ceremony.^^ 
On  the  last  day  of  her  worship  a  live  goat  is  swung  from  a  frame 
placed  on  a  cart,  the  iron  hooks  being  placed  in  the  flesh  of  its 
back.  This  cart  leads  the  procession.  The  goat  swung  from  a 
cart  appears  intended  for  the  propitiation  of  the  goddess  of  the 
carts.  It  is  said  that  the  goat  greatly  enjoys  the  experience,  and 
that  it  bleats  with  pleasure.  Furthermore  it  does  not  die,  but  is 
turned  loose  after  the  ceremony,  and  comes  again  of  its  own 
accord  for  the  next  jatara! 

The  worship  of  Bandlamma  has  practically  ceased.  Only  the 
older  people  can  remember  when  it  took  place.  The  growing  sen- 
timent against  such  cruelties  as  hook-swinging  may  have  had 
some  influence,  and  the  coming  of  the  railway,  which  put  an  end 
to  extensive  cart  traffic,  may  have  been  another  cause  for  the 
neglect  of  Bandlamma. 

Such  are  some  of  the  local  stories  relating  to  the  origins  of 
Dravidian  deities.  The  number  of  these  legends  is  almost  as 
limitless  as  the  list  of  the  Dravidian  gods.  The  main  points  in 
a  few  additional  legends  may  be  given  for  comparison. 

Kitsamma  of  Gandavarum,  Kanigiri  Taluq,  was  a  woman  who 
burned  herself  with  her  husband.  The  fact  that  she  spoke  from 
the  flames  makes  her  a  goddess  of  unusual  power.  After  her 
death  some  of  the  people  who  had  heard  her  call  from  the  flames, 
went  to  a  place  at  some  distance  and  addressed  her  three  times,  to 
which  calls  she  replied.  The  configuration  of  the  country  indi- 
cates that  it  was  an  echo  which  answered. 

Kurumayya  is  a  male  deity  who  also  owes  his  origin  to  an  echo. 
He  was  the  son  of  a  rich  man,  but  after  his  father  died  the 
property  was  taken  by  the  other  "relatives.  Kurumayya  then 
went  to  a  farmer  and  hired  himself  out  to  herd  sheep.  One  day 
he  fell  into  a  gorge  in  the  hills  and  died  of  hunger.  When  the 
villagers  searched  for  him  they  called  his  name  and  he  replied. 

11  For  further  information  about  hook-swinging  see  pp.  27  sq. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  yy 

Later  they  found  his  body  and  deified  him.  At  the  festival  they 
go  to  the  hills  and  call  and  wait  for  the  response. 

Mangamma  is  still  another  illustration  of  the  same  method  of 
making  gods.  She  burned  herself  with  her  husband,  and  after 
a  time  a  stone  appeared  on  the  north  side  of  the  village.  The 
people  believed  that  this  was  Mangamma  and  built  a  temple. 
At  the  yearly  festival  they  go  to  the  hills  and  call  until  she  re- 
sponds. Then  knowing  that  she  is  present,  they  proceed  with 
the  worship. 

Sandamma  and  Gumpamma  were  two  sisters  who  did  not 
marry.  They  had  a  quarrel  and  Sandamma  threw  herself  into  a 
cavern  in  the  Velugonda  Hills  and  died  there.  Her  sister  then 
did  the  same,  and  the  people,  saying  they  were  Saktis,  began  to 
worship  them.  The  thieves  in  the  hills  propitiate  them  in  order 
to  be  protected  from  the  police.  They  steal  goats  and  then  cut 
their  throats  in  front  of  the  images,  until  blood  runs  in  streams. ^^ 

Vinukonda  Ankamma  is  a  friendly  goddess  who  is  said  to  have 
been  one  of  seven  daughters  in  a  shepherd's  house.  She  was  a 
talkative  and  somewhat  domineering  girl.  One  day  she  "  hid 
herself,"  so  the  villagers  say,  which  evidently  means  that  she 
died.  Soon  cholera  broke  out,  and  her  spirit  came  upon  a  diviner 
and  demanded  worship.  Ankamma  is  remembered  as  a  jolly  vil- 
lage girl,  so  her  spirit  does  not  inspire  unusual  terror,  and  her 
worship  is  a  time  of  merry-making  with  but  few  blood-offerings. 

The  Akka  Devatalu  of  the  fishermen  are  represented  by  crude 
earthen  images  which  stand  on  a  knoll  overlooking  the  sea. 
Their  name  means  sister  gods.  There  were  once  several  sisters 
in  one  house  who  quarreled  and  killed  one  another.  Later  sick- 
ness appeared  in  the  house,  and  the  sisters  spoke  through  a  di- 
viner, upbraiding  the  people  because  they  had  not  prevented  the 
tragedy  of  their  death.  "  However,"  they  said,  "  we  are  females 
and  so  desire  worship.  If  you  will  worship  us  you  may  escape." 
The  fishermen  always  propitiate  these  gods  before  going  out  to 
sea.     It  is  possible  that  the  ever  restless  sea  on  the  western  shore 

^2  This  appears  to  be  connected  with  sacrifices  which  the  Thugs  formerly 
offered  to  Kah  before  going  on  a  thieving  and  murdering  expedition. 
See  Meadows  Taylor,  Confessions  of  a  Thug,  London,  1906,  pages  26  sq. 


78  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

of  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  where  the  tidal  waves  are  always  beating, 
has  something  to  do  with  the  quarrelsome  nature  of  these  god- 
desses.^^ 

Kulagollamma  is  a  village  goddess  of  unusual  importance  in 
Kavili.  Her  temple  is  larger  and  more  imposing  than  that  of 
many  Hindu  gods,  and  is  patterned  after  them.^*  In  Sarvaia 
Palem,  near  Kavili,  there  was  a  reddi  or  farmer,  who  had  a  great 
crop  of  the  grain  called  ragi}^  One  day  some  one  came  to  buy 
grain,  and  the  farmer  found  that  no  matter  how  much  he  meas- 
ured out,  the  ragi  in  the  bin  did  not  decrease.  Wondering  what 
could  be  the  reason  he  overturned  the  great  wicker  grain  bin, 
when  a  black  stone  fell  out.  The  diviner  was  called  in,  and 
when  the  possession  came  upon  her  she  said,  "  I  am  Kulagol- 
lamma, the  cause  of  your  prosperity.  Build  me  a  temple  outside 
the  village  where  I  shall  not  hear  the  pounding  of  the  grain,  and 
I  will  stay  to  bless  you.  If  you  do  not,  I  will  destroy  you  and 
your  house  and  go  to  another  place."  This  order  was  obeyed 
and  she  has  become  far  renowned.  The  last  great  festival  was 
held  in  September,  191 3.  The  reason  given  was  that  the  railway 
which  has  been  built  near  her  temple,  gives  her  the  headache,  and 
she  contemplates  removing  to  Madras.  Thirty-two  buffalos 
were  beheaded  before  her  at  that  time. 

Kudullamma  is  the  village  goddess  of  Chakicherala,  Kandu- 
kuru  Taluq.  When  she  is  worshiped  blood  is  shed  until  it  flows 
in  streams.  Beneath  the  water  pot,  to  keep  it  from  rolling  over, 
is  placed  a  small  ring  of  grass  or  wattled  twigs  called  kuditUa. 
One  night  an  inmate  of  a  house  in  this  village  dreamed  that  he 
saw  a  goddess  rise  from  the  kudnlla  under  a  water  pot  in  his 
house.  She  demanded  that  she  be  worshiped,  and  so  real  was  his 
dream  that  he  secured  a  stone,  said  that  it  was  the  goddess  whom 
he  had  seen,  and  instituted  the  worship. 

13  There  is  a  sort  of  taboo  connected  with  these  goddesses.  The  fisher- 
men say  that  it  means  death  for  any  one  to  touch  them.  A  lady  was 
stricken  with  typhoid  fever  soon  after  touching  them,  and  the  fishermen 
attributed  her  illness  to  this  rashness. 

1*  See  note  2,  page  17. 

15  Cynosurus  coracanus.  a  very  nutritious  chocolate-colored  grain. 


Local  Origins  of  Dravidian  Deities  79 

These  are  the  legends  connected  with  some  of  the  Dravidian 
deities.  It  is  probable  that  every  Dravidian  deity  has  had  a  simi- 
lar local  origin  but  the  stories  are  forgotten  in  many  cases,  and 
the  people  answer  simply  that  the  god  was  worshiped  by  their 
fathers  and  so  they  have  continued  it.  This  local  origin  is  a  defi- 
nite characteristic  distinguishing  these  gods  from  those  of  Hindu- 
ism, which  originate  in  the  abode  of  the  gods. 

In  the  majority  of  these  local  legends  the  gods  were  once 
human  beings.  This  characteristic  is  so  constant  that  we  may 
suppose  that  in  the  cases  where  a  new  god  appears  outright  with- 
out a  human  history,  there  was  such  a  history  believed  in  by 
those  who  instituted  the  worship.  They  probably  simply  thought 
that  the  history  was  unknown  to  them.  It  is  possible  also  that  m 
the  case  of  these  exceptions  the  influence  of  Hinduism  is  shown, 
for  Hindu  gods  come  to  the  earth  with  no  human  mediation.^'' 

16  In  Madavaram,  Darsi  Taluq,  there  was  until  recently  a  god  called  Potu- 
kuri  Verabramham,  who,  while  scarcely  a  village  deity,  has  a  most  interest- 
ing origin.  The  story  as  told  in  the  villages  where  Verabramham  is  wor- 
shiped runs  as  follows.  In  a  carpenter's  family  there  was  a  son  born  who 
took  his  place  among  the  other  children  of  the  family.  When  he  was  a 
large  boy  he  was  one  day  feeding  the  cattle,  and  saw  a  man  who  had  just 
died  from  snake  bite.  Verabramham,  the  carpenter's  son,  at  once  raised 
him  from  the  dead.  Later  some  of  the  villagers  were  bringing  out  a  dead 
man  to  bury  him.  Verabramham  approached  the  procession  and  asked  what 
they  were  doing.  Upon  being  told,  he  said,  "  No,  he  is  not  dead.  He  is 
alive,"  and  immediately  the  dead  man  arose  and  taking  up  his  bier  walked 
away.  One  day  as  he  was  going  on  a  journey  a  rain  came  on  and  he 
stopped  for  a  short  time.  After  the  rain  was  over  it  was  discovered  that 
no  water  had  fallen  near  where  he  had  stood.  Another  day  as  Verabram- 
ham and  his  disciple  were  going  to  KandipuUayyapuram  they  met  a  widow 
who  had  lost  a  son,  and  Verabramham  had  compassion  on  her  and  restored 
her  son  to  life.  Many  other  such  acts  are  said  to  have  been  performed  by 
him. 

At  last  Verabramham  died,  but  on  the  third  day  he  arose  from  the  grave, 
and  appeared  to  his  disciple  and  to  others.  He  told  them  of  a  coming  judg- 
ment, of  punishment  and  rewards,  and  promising  to  come  again  in  the 
form  of  a  beggar,  he  went  to  heaven  and  left  them. 

The  followers  of  Verabramham  made  an  image  of  him,  and  the  worship 
has  spread  to  several  villages.  The  worship  takes  place  on  Friday,  and 
anyone,  irrespective  of  caste,  may  officiate.     The  worship  consists  in  placing 


8o  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

various  offerings  before  the  idol,  but  none  of  the  offerings  are  of  blood. 
Then  there  are  prayers  and  hymns  much  after  the  Christian  fashion. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  origin  of  this  god.  It  is  simply  an  adapta- 
tion of  some  Christian  teaching  which  the  founders  had  heard.  E.  R. 
Clough  in  While  Sewing  Sandals,  p.  117,  tells  of  this  worship,  but  none  of 
these  stories  are  mentioned.  Many  of  the  first  Madigas  who  became 
Christians  were  first  worshipers  of  Verabramham.  In  1909,  when  on  tour 
in  the  Darsi  Taluq  with  Mr.  J.  A.  Curtis,  the  priest  of  Verabramham 
in  Madavaram  gave  me  the  image  and  much  of  the  paraphernalia,  and 
turned  the  temple  into  a  school  house.  The  image  is  now  in  the  museum 
in  Rochester  Theological  Seminary.  In  a  land  so  hospitable  as  India  to 
all  new  ideas,  provided  they  come  within  the  pale  of  Hinduism,  it  is 
surprising  that  more  such  gods  have  not  arisen. 


CHAPTER  IX 
The  Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends 

In  addition  to  the  stories  of  the  local  origin  of  Dravidian  dei- 
ties, there  are  many  legends  connecting  them  with  the  Hindu 
pantheon.  The  original  legend  is  usually  found  in  the  Puranas, 
but  in  every  case  it  has  been  changed  and  added  to  in  order  that 
the  Dravidian  gods  may  be  given  a  place  in  it.  These  are  the 
stories  which  are  told  by  the  horn-blowers  and  story-tellers  at 
the  times  of  the  worship.  They  are  not  printed,  but  often  they 
are  written  on  palm-leaf  books. 

The  origin  of  these  stories  in  their  present  form  is  probably 
Brahmanic  in  nearly  every  instance.  They  are  an  effort  to  con- 
nect the  gods  of  the  Dravidians  with  the  Hindu  pantheon,  and 
are  a  part  of  the  Hindu  plan  for  the  absorption  of  the  Dravidian 
religion  into  their  own.  In  some  cases,  however,  there  is  indica- 
tion that  the  Dravidians  have  seized  upon  the  Hindu  story,  and 
by  adding  some  of  their  own  legends  to  it,  have  attempted  to 
connect  themselves  with  the  higher  form  of  religion  and  civiliza- 
tion. In  this  chapter  a  representative  number  of  these  legends 
will  be  given. 

The  Siva  Legends.  The  Dravidian  gods  are  more  commonly 
connected  with  Siva.  There  is  more  in  the  nature  of  Siva  wor- 
ship that  is  Dravidian  than  in  Vishnu  worship.  It  is  quite  prob- 
able that  Siva  himself  is  an  aboriginal  god.^  One  of  the  legends 
runs  as  follows.^ 

There  were  one  hundred  and  one  kings  ruling  over  the  country 
of  Thiparapuram.  They  were  devotees  of  Siva,  and  because  of 
the  many  offerings  which  they  made,  Siva  granted  them  the 
boons  of  immortality  and  of  invincibility  in  battle.  Afterwards 
these  kings  engaged  in  many  wars,  and  in  every  case  they  were 
victorious.     Finally  the  people  came  to  Siva  and  asked  him  why 

1  For  a  discussion  of  this  point  see  pp.  13  sq. 
-  This  story  is  not  found  in  the  Puranas. 


82  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

he  had  granted  favors  which  gave  so  much  distress.  Siva  saw 
his  mistake,  but  could  see  no  way  out  of  the  difficulty  except  to 
enter  the  battle  himself  and  try  to  defeat  these  kings.  He  took 
human  form  and  went  to  war  with  the  kings,  but  with  the  result 
that  he  too  was  defeated  and  was  about  to  be  put  to  death. 

Vishnu  IMurti,  now  seeing  that  Siva  was  trembling  for  his  life, 
ofifered  his  advice.  He  said,  "At  yonder  tank  the  wives  of  these 
kings  will  be  bathing  at  the  appointed  time.  By  virtue  of  their 
chastity  they  will  make  brass  pots  from  the  sand,  and  in  these 
pots  bring  home  water  with  which  to  cook  the  food  which  gives 
their  husbands  such  prowess.^  The  chastity  of  their  wives  is  the 
reason  for  the  power  of  the  kings,  but  they  have  one  sorrow ; 
they  have  no  children.  You  must  assume  the  form  of  a  peepul* 
tree  on  the  bank  of  the  tank,  and  I  will  appear  as  a  rishi.^  The 
women  will  certainly  come  to  me  when  they  bathe  to  ask  me  how 
they  may  obtain  children.  I  will  advise  them  to  embrace  the 
tree  which  you  will  become.  You  must  thus  ruin  all  of  these 
women,  and  then  their  husbands  will  lose  their  strength." 

Siva  consented  to  the  plan,  and  all  happened  as  arranged. 
After  the  women  had  embraced  the  tree  they  went  as  usual  to 
make  the  pots  of  sand,  but  the  pots  fell  to  pieces.  Again  and 
again  they  tried,  but  to  no  avail.  Then  in  terror  they  went  home 
and  bringing  other  pots  they  took  water  to  make  food  for  their 
husbands  as  usual.  But  when  the  kings  ate  the  food  they  lost 
their  power  and  were  destroyed  by  Siva. 

After  a  time  all  of  the  one  hundred  and  one  wives  brought 
forth  children.  All  were  girls.  Thinking  that  Siva  was  re- 
sponsible for  their  being,  the  children  went  to  him  and  asked  that 
he  would  provide  them  some  way  to  make  a  living.  He  directed 
them  to  go  into  the  world  as  Saktis  and  torment  people,  who 
would  then  propitiate  them  with  food  and  thus  support  them. 
So  these  Saktis  are  abroad  in  the  earth,  and  whenever  a  new 

3  This  test  of  character  is  one  commonly  found  in  the  Puranas.     See  page 

100. 

•*  The  poplar-leaved  fig  tree,  Ficus  rcligiosa. 

5  Otherwise  spelled  rusi.     He  is  a  hermit  thought  to  have  divine  powers. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  83 

deity  appears,  it  is  simply  one  of  these  Saktis  assuming  a  new 
form. 

This  legend  makes  the  Saktis  to  be  the  daughters  of  Siva. 
They  are  more  commonly  said  to  be  his  wives.  This  is  the  re- 
lationship established  in  the  following  story. ^ 

In  the  older  times  there  was  a  king  named  Giri  Razu,  He  had 
sons,  but  although  he  made  all  kinds  of  offerings,  no  daughters 
were  born  to  him.  For  a  long  time  he  did  penance  to  Siva,  and 
at  last  Siva's  wife,  Parvati,  had  compassion  on  him  and  saying 
that  she  would  be  born  as  a  daughter  to  him,  took  human  form 
and  hid  herself  in  a  golden  ant-hill  near  the  palace. 

That  night  the'king  had  a  dream  that  a  daughter  had  been  born 
to  him  in  the  ant-hill,  and  so  vivid  was  the  dream  that  in  the 
morning  he  called  his  servants  and  directed  them  to  dig  the  ant- 
hill out.  After  digging  they  found  a  golden  net  such  as  are  now 
made  of  ropes  to  hold  offerings  before  the  gods.  At  the  side  of 
this  was  a  vinggu,  and  upon  the  mnggii  a  golden  lamp.  This  is 
said  to  be  the  origin  of  the  use  of  these  articles  in  worship.  Be- 
side these  sat  a  maiden,  who  was  Parvati  in  the  form  of  Sakti 
with  the  name  Renuka. 

The  king  ordered  an  elephant  to  be  brought  and  sacrificed  to 
her.  They  also  brought  five  hundred  cart-loads  of  cakes,  five 
hundred  cart-loads  of  cooked  rice,  and  five  hundred  and  fifty 
cart-loads  of  minor  offerings.  After  presenting  these  things  to 
Renuka  they  distributed  them  to  the  people  who  ate  them.  A 
golden  palanquin  was  now  brought,  and  placing  Renuka  in  it, 
the  procession  started  for  the  palace.  After  proceeding  one  foot 
they  stopped,  poured  out  rice,  and  offered  a  sheep.  This  was 
done  at  each  foot  of  the  journey  until  finally  they  arrived  at  the 
palace. 

Renuka  is  said  to  have  been  changed  into  one  hundred  and  one 
Saktis,  which  have  become  the  village  goddesses.  In  this  story 
the  deities  are  Parvati  incarnate,  wives  of  Siva,  and  so  are  on  an 
equal  footing  with  Kali.     This  legend  gives  a  very  honorable  po- 

^  A  story  with  enough  similarity  to  have  suggested  this  is  found  in  the 
Dez'i  Bhagavatam.     It  has  not  been  translated  into  English. 


84  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

sition  to  the  Saktis,  and  is  an  evident  attempt  to  please  the  Dra- 
vidians.  The  various  features  of  Dravidian  worship  are  repre- 
sented in  the  story.  The  Dravidians  have  an  occasional  worship 
of  ant-hills,  of  which  this  legend  of  Renuka  may  be  the  origin. 

The  idea  that  the  goddesses  are  the  wives  of  Siva  is  almost  uni- 
versal, and  a  favorite  method  of  attaching  a  Dravidian  goddess 
to  the  Hindu  pantheon  is  by  a  marriage  with  Siva  or  some  one  of 
his  incarnations.  One  of  the  important  instances  of  this  is  that 
of  the  goddess,  Minakshi,  of  Madura.'^ 

In  the  Madura  temple®  is  a  combination  of  Siva,  Vishnu,  and 
Dravidian  worship.  The  original  god  was  called  Chokkalingam, 
and  from  his  name  and  attributes  we  may  judge  that  at  first  he 
was  one  of  the  local  demons.  The  Brahmans,  not  wishing  to 
antagonize  so  important  a  deity,  adopted  him  into  their  pantheon, 
giving  him  the  honor  of  being  an  incarnation  of  Siva. 

But  there  was  another  powerful  local  deity,  a  goddess,  who  was 
much  more  feared  by  the  people  than  was  Chokkalinam,  as  a 
Sakti  is  always  more  terrible  than  a  male  god.  Her  name  was 
Minakshi.^  The  Brahmans  wished  to  attach  this  powerful  cult 
also,  and  accomplished  it  by  arranging  a  marriage  between  Min- 
akshi and  Chokkalingam,  now  called  Siva. 

In  memory  of  this  marriage  there  is  a  great  annual  celebration 
at  which  often  as  many  as  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people 
are  present.  At  this  celebration  the  marriage  ceremonies  are 
again  performed,  but  they  are  never  completed.  While  the  cere- 
monies are  proceeding,  every  year  without  fail  some  one  sneezes 
at  the  right  moment,  and  as  a  sneeze  at  such  a  time  is  most  in- 
auspicious, the  marriage  is  declared  off  for  another  year.  As  the 
revenues  of  the  festival  are  very  large,  the  real  motive  of  this 
postponement  is  to  make  certain  that  the  festival  will  be  repeated 
the  next  year.     The  sneezing  stops  the  marriage  ceremony,  but 

"  For  the  following  interesting  facts  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  J.  P.  Jones, 
author  of  India,  Its  Life  and  Thought,  and  other  important  works  on  India. 

8  This  is  the  third  largest  temple  in  the  world.     It  covers  thirteen  acres. 

0  Minakshi  was  originally  a  powerful  Pandian  queen.  After  her  death 
she  was  deified  and  worshiped  by  her  subjects. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  85 

does  not  stop  the  drawing  of  the  idol  cars  and  the  other  excite- 
ments of  the  festival. 

Another  curious  feature  of  the  festival  deserves  to  be  recorded. 
The  powerful  king,  Tirumala  Naik,  who  reigned  in  ]\ladura  two 
and  a  half  centuries  ago,  and  who  built  the  great  palace  and 
much  of  the  temple  there,  was  not  a  Saivate,  but  a  Vaishnava 
who  also  worshiped  Minakshi.  He  devised  a  plan  by  w^hich  the 
Saivite  and  Vaishnava  sects  should  be  brought  together  and  at 
least  made  to  fraternize. 

Twelve  miles  to  the  north  was  the  temple  of  the  Vaishnava 
god,  Algar,  who  had  himself  been  a  Dravidian  god,  the  local 
demon  of  the  thief  caste,  before  being  adopted  into  Hinduism. 
He  was  said  to  be  the  elder  brother  of  Minakshi.  The  plan  de- 
vised was  to  bring  Algar  every  year  from  his  temple  to  give 
his  sister  in  marriage  to  Siva.  But  he  invariably  arrives  two 
days  late,  and  disgusted  that  they  did  not  wait  for  him  he  refuses 
to  cross  the  river  or  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  \vedding. 
He  consents,  however,  to  remain  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  for 
two  or  three  days,  and  it  is  during  this  time  that  the  festival 
reaches  its  climax.  During  these  days  Saivites  and  Vaishnavas 
readily  mingle  together,  and  unite  to  raise  a  considerable  sum  of 
money  with  which  to  appease  the  wrath  of  Algar  so  that  he  will 
go  home  in  peace,  and  cause  no  troubles  during  the  year. 

The  following  account^''  of  the  marriage  of  Minakshi  with  Siva 
shows  the  Brahmanic  interpretation  and  explanation  of  the  mar- 
riage. It  may  usefully  be  compared  with  the  description  of  the 
actual  ceremonies,  since  it  shows  the  tendency  of  the  Brahmans 
to  provide  the  necessary  Hindu  explanation  for  these  ceremonies. 

"^^'hen  the  Invincible  (Minakshi)  was  ruling,  her  foster 
mother  represented  to  her  the  propriety  of  marriage,  to  which 
she  replied  that  she  would  assemble  an  army  and  go  to  fight  with 
the  neighboring  kings  in  order  to  discover  among  them  her  des- 
tined husband.     Accordingly  her  minister,  Sunathi,  assembled  a 

10  From  Oriental  Manuscripts,  translated  by  \Vm.  Taylor,  Madras,  1835, 
I,  p.  58.  The  "  Marriage  of  Minakshi  with  Siva  by  the  name  of  Sunteras- 
vara,"  is  translated  from  the  Fifth  Tiruvilliadel  of  the  Madura  Stalla 
Puraiia. 


86  Draz'idian  Gods  hi  Modern  Hinduism 

very  large  army  with  which  she  conquered  all  the  neighboring 
kings.  She  next  conquered  Indren  and  then  proceeded  to  Kai- 
lasa,  the  abode  of  Siva,  in  front  of  which  she  was  met  by  Narada, 
messenger  of  the  gods,  whom  she  forced  to  retreat.  He  went 
and  reported  the  same  to  Siva,  who,  smiling  a  little,  arose  and 
came  forth.  As  soon  as  he  appeared,  the  before-mentioned  sign 
appeared  (one  of  her  three  breasts  withered)  at  which  the  amazon 
being  ashamed,  dropped  her  weapon,  and  the  minister  said,  '  This 
is  your  husband.'  The  god  (Siva)  told  her  to  return  to  Madura 
where  he  dwelt,  and  on  Monday  he  would  come  and  marry  her ; 
desiring  all  preparations  to  be  made.  All  was  arranged  accord- 
ingly, and  the  gods  inferior  and  superior  were  present,  bringing 
presents.  She  was  seated  beside  the  god  on  the  marriage  throne 
when  Vishnu  joined  their  hands,  and  afterwards  the  marriage 
ceremony  was  performed  amidst  the  praises  and  adorations  of 
the  rishis  and  others  present." 

In  the  great  temple  at  Madura  there  are  two  main  divisions, 
one  given  to  the  worship  of  Siva  and  one  to  that  of  Minakshi. 
The  walls  of  the  temple  are  covered  with  paintings  and  other 
decorations  which  show  the  details  of  the  marriage. 

The  Vishnu  Legends.  The  legends  connecting  the  Dravidian 
goddesses  with  Hindu  deities  are  not  confined  to  tales  of  Siva. 
They  are  also  connected  with  Vishnu.  In  the  Vishnu  stories 
Renuka  is  the  wife  of  Jamadagni,  and  to  them  is  born  Parasu 
Rama,  or  Parasram,  one  of  the  incarnations  of  Vishnu.  Renuka 
is  still  the  source  of  the  Saktis,  so  these  stories  make  an  incarna- 
tion of  Vishnu  to  be  a  son  of  a  Sakti.  The  story  most  general 
among  the  people  runs  as  follows. ^^ 

In  the  midst  of  a  great  forest  the  Rakshasas,  the  demons  of  the 
Vedas,^-  were  living  upon  mountains  called  Tipurupu  Rallu.  At 
this  time  Dhandigiri  Razu  was  a  powerful  king.     He  worshiped  all 

^^  This  story  is  commonly  told  during  the  festival  for  Usuramma.  See 
page  34.  The  legend  from  which  it  has  its  origin  is  in  Sree  mad  Bagavata, 
Madras,  1893,  (Sanskrit)  Novama  Skandhanm,  pp.  297  sq. 

^2  For  further  descriptions  of  the  Rakshasas  see  Moor,  The  Hindu 
Pantheon,  Madras,  1864,  p.  120;  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanism  and  Hin- 
duism, London,  1891,  pp.  238  sq. 


Drazndian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  87 

the  gods  and  also  the  sages  and  rishis,  beseeching  them  to  help  him 
overthrow  the  Rakshasas. 

Narada,  the  messenger  of  the  gods,  now  came  to  Dhandigiri 
Razu  and  told  him  that  he  must  either  defeat  the  Rakshasas  or 
cease  pursuing  them  and  acknowledge  himself  defeated.  Dhandi- 
giri asked  him  who  would  lead  the  battle  against  them  and  he 
answered,  "  Your  daughter,  Renuka,  is  the  person  to  go."  Then 
Dhandigiri  stared  into  the  face  of  Narada,  and  said,  "  Do  you 
think  that  a  great  monarch  like  myself  would  consent  to  have  a 
woman  lead  my  battle?  Never!  I  will  lead  it  myself  and  tear 
down  their  ramparts." 

Accordingly,  Dhandigiri  fitted  out  an  expedition  and  attacked 
the  Rakshasas,  but  being  unable  to  stand  against  them,  hid  in  a 
cave.  Renuka  learned  of  her  father's  plight  by  means  of  a  vision, 
and  determined  to  go  herself  against  the  Rakshasas  and  rescue  him. 
She  went  first  to  her  mother-in-law  to  secure  leave  to  go,  but  con- 
sent was  not  given.  Her  mother-in-law  said  that  she  had  no  desire 
to  help  Dhandigiri,  even  though  he  was  her  own  brother,  and  at 
the  same  time  father  of  her  daughter-in-law,^^  for  he  had  been 
cruel  to  her  in  times  past.  But  she  told  Renuka  that  she  might 
ask  her  own  husband,  Jamadagni,  and  that  perhaps  he  would  give 
the  desired  permission. 

Renuka  now  started  on  the  journey  to  her  husband,  who  was 
living  far  away  in  a  forest,  doing  penance  as  a  rishi.  She  carried 
on  her  head  seven  pots,  in  which  were  rice  and  water  mixed.  Her 
purity  w^as  so  great  that,  as  she  walked  along,  the  water  in  the 
pots  began  to  boil  without  the  aid  of  fire. 

As  Renuka  was  going  along  Vishnu  began  to  talk  with  Narada 
about  her  purity,  and  at  Narada's  request  Vishnu  suggested  a 
plan  to  destroy  her  virtue.  In  accordance  with  this  plan  Narada 
appeared  in  the  way  before  Renuka  as  a  beggar  and  asked  her 
for  food.  She  had  compassion  on  him  and  gave  him  a  little  from 
the  pots  on  her  head.  A  little  further  on  Narada  again  appeared, 
this  time  as  a  charming  little  child  with  rattling  ornaments.  When 
Renuka  saw  the  child  she  burst  into  merry  laughter. 

13  That  is,  Renuka  and  her  husbands  were  cousins.  This  cousin-mar- 
riage is  a  very  common  and  favorite  arrangement. 


88  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

Jamadagni  considered  that  these  were  wicked  acts  because  he 
was  doing  penance,  and  he  determined  that  his  wife  must  be  pun- 
ished. He  thought  of  his  eldest  son,  and  immediately  the  son 
stood  before  him.  His  father  addressed  him  affectionately,  and 
asked  his  son  what  should  be  done  if  anyone  were  found  guilty 
within  their  premises.     "  Forgive  him  thrice,"  answered  the  son. 

"  But  suppose  the  offender  commits  a  sin  beyond  forgiveness, 
what  would  you  suggest  ?  "  asked  the  father. 

"  Why,  father,  if  such  a  one  is  found,  you  must  certainly  remove 
his  head  from  his  body,"  answered  the  son. 

"  Well,  my  dear  son,"  said  his  father,  "  look  now  !  Your  mother 
is  coming.  She  laughed  at  that  little  boy  as  she  came  toward  our 
retreat.  Do  to  her  according  to  the  judgment  which  you  have 
pronounced." 

"  No!  no!  father,"  said  the  son.  "  I  have  been  nursed  by  her  and 
I  can  never  do  such  an  atrocious  deed  with  my  own  hands." 

Then  Jamadagni  was  very  angry,  and  said,  "  Wretch,  I  will  curse 
you  for  your  failure  to  keep  your  word." 

"  All  right,  father,"  replied  the  son.  "  I  am  ready  for  your 
curse.  Kill  me,  or  turn  me  into  a  beggar  as  suits  you,  but  I  will 
never  do  this  deed." 

Jamadagni  accordingly  cursed  his  son,^*  and  as  he  saw  Renuka 
drawing  nearer  he  thought  of  his  other  son,  Parasu  Rama,  the 
terror  of  the  world.^°  Parasu  Rama  immediately  stood  before  his 
father  who  repeated  the  request  which  he  had  made  to  his  elder 
son.  This  time  no  objections  were  raised,  and  before  Parasu 
Rama  had  finished  making  his  declaration  of  willingness  to  do  the 
deed,  his  mother  stood  before  him.  He  drew  his  sword,  and  telling 
her  of  her  fault,  he  cut  off  her  head.  The  sword  slipped  from  his 
hand  and  went  spinning  through  the  air.  Parasu  Rama  cursed  his 
hand  for  having  done  such  a  hideous  deed,  and  immediately  the 

^*  According  to  the  story  in  Moor,  Hindu  Pantheon,  p.  ii6,  the  curse  was 
that  his  son  should  be  an  idiot.  In  this  version  of  the  story  four  sons  were 
thus  cursed. 

1^  For  information  regarding  the  Parasu  Rama  avatar  of  Vishnu,  see 
Wilkins,  Hindu  Mythology,  Calcutta,  1882,  pp.  162  sq. ;  Moor,  Hindu  Pan- 
theon, Madras,  1864,  pp.  116  sq. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  89 

sword  fell  and  severed  his  outstretched  hand,  which  fell  in  the 
dust  beside   the  head   of  his   mother. 

Parasu  Rama  now  turned  in  rage  on  his  father,  and  accusing 
him  of  being  the  cause  of  both  deeds,  demanded  that  the  life 
of  his  mother  and  his  own  right  hand  should  be  restored.  "  Unless 
you  revive  my  mother  and  create  a  hand  to  my  shoulder  you  shall 
live  no  more,"  he  cried  in  anger.     "  Look  sharp !     I  am  coming." 

Jamadagni  seeing  that  his  terrible  son  was  not  to  be  trifled  with 
at  once  complied  with  his  request,  and  restored  Renuka  and  the 
hand.  Parasu  Rama's  hand  is  now  represented  by  the  royal  staff 
and  Renuka's  head  by  the  snake  hood,  which  are  carried  at  the 
time  of  worship. ^"^ 

After  Renuka  had  been  brought  back  to  life  she  upbraided  her 
husband  for  his  act,  and  then  asked  his  permission  to  proceed 
against  the  Rakshasas  that  she  might  release  her  father.  Her 
husband  asked  her  pardon  for  causing  her  to  be  killed,  and  then 
asked,  "Who  are  they  against  whom  you  dream  of  going?  Are 
they  not  Rakshasas,  and  so  unconquerable?     Think  of  it  no  more." 

"  My  husband,  if  you  knew  my  powers  you  would  not  speak  in 
such  a  manner,"  answered  Renuka,  "  I  will  show  my  power  pro- 
vided you  can  stand  the  sight  without  fear." 

"  What !  Am  I  not  a  man,  a  rishi  who  has  power  to  turn  a 
woman  to  ashes?  Do  you  pretend  to  think  that  anything  could 
frighten  me?"  replied  her  husband. 

"  All  right,"  replied  Renuka.  "  Turn  your  back  and  do  not 
look  toward  me  until  I  give  you  permission." 

Jamadagni  obeyed,  and  presently  Renuka  told  him  to  face  about 
again.  He  did  so  and  was  terrified  to  see  standing  before  him  a 
Sakti  having  a  thousand  hands.  In  each  one  of  these  hands  she 
held  a  thousand  spikes,  and  upon  each  spike  a  thousand  bodies 
were  impaled,  and  beside  each  one  of  the  impaled  bodies  was  a 
devil  watching,  with  a  torch  in  his  left  hand  and  sword  in  his  right 
hand. 

When  Jamadagni  saw  this  terrible  figure,  all  his  boasts  of 
bravery  were  forgotten,  and  he  fled  to  the  underworld.  Renuka, 
fearing  that  he  would  never  return  if  he  descended,  called  for  him 

^^  See  page  22. 


90  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

to  come  back,  but  he  would  not  come,  so  she  caught  him  by  the 
tuft  of  his  hair^'^  and  drew  him  up.  She  then  told  him  that  this 
terrifying  figure  was  Korlapati  Ankamma.^^ 

Renuka  now  secured  her  husband's  permission  to  proceed  against 
the  Rakshasas,  and  she  slew  large  numbers  of  them,  but  for  every 
drop  of  their  blood  which  fell  to  the  ground  sixty  thousand  new 
Rakshasas  arose.  Under  such  conditions  victory  was  impossible. 
Renuka  now  thought  of  her  brother,  Potu  Razu,^''  who  immedi- 
ately stood  before  her.  "  j\Iy  brother,"  she  said,  "  if  you  will  help' 
me  in  this  trouble  I  will  see  to  it  that  you  receive  a  sheep  as  tall 
as  the  sky  and  a  pile  of  rice  as  high  as  a  palm  tree." 

This  generous  ofifer  induced  Potu  Razu  to  promise  to  do  what- 
ever she  required.  Renuka  directed  him  to  spread  his  tongue  over 
the  ground  as  far  as  the  kingdom  of  the  Rakshasas  extended,  and 
not  to  let  one  drop  of  their  blood  fall  to  the  ground.  Thus  the 
propagation  of  the  Rakshasas  was  stopped  and  the  battle  was 
won.  This  is  the  explanation  of  the  ofifering  of  a  sheep  and  a 
pile  of  rice  to  Potu  Razu  whenever  the  village  deity  is  worshiped. 

This  legend  makes  Renuka,  the  mother  of  one  of  Vishnu's 
avatars,  to  be  the  source  of  the  Saktis,  and  so  connects  them  very 
directly  with  the  Hindu  pantheon.  The  aboriginal  tribes  are 
spoken  of  as  Rakshasas  in  the  Ramayana.  It  may  be  that  some 
part  of  the  Dravidian  people  assisted  the  Aryans  in  overcoming" 
such  tribes,  and  that  this  story,  which  certainly  gives  a  most 
honorable  place  to  Dravidian  Saktis,  was  the  result.-*^ 

1"  This  tuft  of  hair,  called  juttu  or  tzntta  in  Telugu,  is  the  badge  of 
Hinduism. 

18  This  is  one  form  of  the  Ankamma  described  on  page  24. 

1^  See  page  24.  No  one  seems  to  know  how  it  happens  that  Potu  Razu 
is  a  brother  of  Renuka.     This  legend  appears  to  be  lost. 

-0  Moor,  The  Hindu  Pantheon,  Madras,  1864,  P-  120.  "  It  is  certainly 
likely  that  at  some  remote  period,  probably  not  long  after  the  settlement 
of  the  Aryan  races  in  the  plains  of  the  Ganges,  a  body  of  invaders,  headed 
by  a  bold  leader,  and  aided  by  the  barbarous  hill  tribes,  may  have  attempted 
to  force  their  way  into  India  as  far  as  Ceylon.  The  heroic  exploits  of  the 
chief  would  naturally  become  the  theme  of  songs  and  ballads,  the  hero 
himself  would  be  deified,  the  wild  mountaineers  and  foresters  of  the 
Vindhya  and  neighboring  hills,  who  assisted  him,  would  be  politically  con- 
verted into  monkeys,  and  the  powerful  but  savage  aborigines  of  the  south 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  91 

A  variant  of  the  latter  part  of  the  story  comes  more  directly  to 
the  matter  of  the  origin  of  the  Saktis.  It  relates  that  when 
Renuka  was  engaged  in  her  war  with  the  Rakshasas  and  dis- 
covered that  from  every  drop  of  blood  which  fell  to  the  ground, 
sixty  thousand  new  Rakshasas  arose,  she  went  in  her  perplexity  to 
the  three  gods,  Brahma,  Vishnu,  and  Siva.  They  appeared  to  her 
in  the  form  of  Brahmans  and  heard  her  story.  They  admitted  that 
the  condition  was  serious,  for,  if  such  things  continued,  the  Rak- 
shasas would  be  so  increased  that  the  gods  would  not  be  able  to 
live. 

The  three  gods  then  told  Renuka  that  the  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culty was  to  induce  the  sexless  Rakshasas  to  propagate  in  the 
same  way  that  men  do.  They  would  then  lose  their  power  of  un- 
limited increase ;  their  progeny  would  be  comparatively  small ; 
and  victory  would  be  easy.  Renuka  informed  them  that  to  bring 
about  such  a  happy  result  was  not  in  her  power,  and  they  must 
undertake  it. 

Still  disguised  as  Brahmans,  the  gods  now  took  the  usual 
articles  and  books  for  reading  the  horoscope,  and  went  to  the 
abode  of  the  Rakshasas.  The  Rakshasas  saw  them  and  sent  one 
of  their  number  to  enquire  who  were  those  Brahmans  coming  to 
their  abode.  They  sent  back  the  reply,  "  We  are  Brahmans,  come 
to  read  your  horoscope,  and  we  can  give  you  much  valuable  in- 
formation." The  Rakshasas  asked  what  things  they  could  tell, 
and  the  Brahmans  responded,  "  ^^'e  have  heard  that  you  have  no 
offspring.  If  you  have  offspring  you  will  increase  yet  more  and 
more."  This  pleased  the  Rakshasas  and  they  asked  how  such  a 
boon  could  be  secured.  The  Brahmans  showed  them  a  tree  by  the 
tank  and  told  them  to  bathe  and  embrace  the  tree. 

The  three  gods  then  became  a  peepul  tree.  Siva  formed  the 
roots,  Vishnu  the  trunk,  and  Brahma  the  branches.  One  only  of 
the  Rakshasas  came  at  first  and  did  as  commanded.     Upon  em- 

into  many-headed  ogres  and  blood-lapping  demons  (called  Rakshasas). 
These  songs  would  at  first  be  the  property  of  the  Kshatriya  or  fighting 
caste  whose  deeds  were  celebrated;  but  the  ambitious  Brahmans,  who  aimed 
at  religious  and  intellectual  supremacy,  would  soon  see  the  policy  of  collect- 
ing the  rude  ballads,  which  they  could  not  suppress,  and  moulding  them  to 
their  own  purposes." 


92  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

bracing  the  trunk  of  the  tree,  which  was  Vishnu,  it  became  a 
female  and  conceived.  She  returned  and  reported  to  the  other 
Rakshasas  and  two  more  came,  and  later  one  hundred  more.  All 
of  these  conceived  and  brought  forth  children,  one  hundred  and 
two  girls  and  one  boy. 

\Mien  the  chiefs  of  the  Rakshasas  heard  of  this,  they  ordered 
that  the  children  should  be  killed.  They  were  thrown  into  a  well, 
but  the  three  gods  went  to  the  well  and  drew  them  out.  One 
could  not  be  found,  so  there  were  one  hundred  and  one  girls  and 
one  boy.  They  took  these  to  Renuka  and  told  her  that  the  girls 
should  be  Saktis  who  would  be  set  free  in  the  world  to  get  their 
living  by  troubling  people,  but  that  they  should  be  her  servants. 
The  one  boy  they  named  Potu  Razu,  and  said  that  by  his  help 
she  should  overcome  the  Rakshasas.  This  she  did  as  above  re- 
lated, Potu  Razu  preventing  the  blood  from  falling  to  the  ground. 

This  story  of  embracing  the  tree  is  the  same  that  we  have  met 
before.^^  Here,  however,  it  is  A^ishnu  who  is  the  trunk  of  the 
tree  and  so  the  progenitor  of  the  Saktis.  Renuka  is  not  so 
directly  connected  with  the  Saktis  in  this  legend,  but  Potu  Razu's 
origin  is  accounted  for. 

The  number  of  Saktis  here  again  is  given  as  one  hundred  and 
one.  No  reason  for  this  number  appears  to  be  known  by  the 
people.  It  may  be  that  it  is  used  to  indicate  indefinite  largeness, 
like  the  English  "  one  thousand  and  one." 

The  original  legend  of  the  beheading  of  Renuka  must  have 
arisen  from  some  historical  incident,  for  it  is  found  in  the  Maha- 
bharata,  the  Bhagavata  Purana,  Padma  Purana,  and  Agni 
Purana.--  It  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Ramayana-^  as  an  example 
of  worthy  obedience.  The  story  as  found  in  the  Puranas  relates 
that  when  Jamadagni  was  doing  penance  in  the  forest,  his  family, 
consisting  of  Renuka  and  her  four  sons,  was  with  him.  One  day 
when  the  sons  were  away  from  home,  Renuka  went  to  a  stream 
for  water.     She  saw   Chitraratha,   the  prince  of   Mrittakavata, 

21  See  page  82. 

22  E.  Moor,  The  Hindu  Pantheon,  Madras,  1864,  pp.  116  sq. ;  Wilkins, 
Hindu  Mythology,  Calcutta,  1882,  pp.  162  sq. 

23  T.  H.  Griffith,  The  Ramayan  of  Valmiki,  Benares,  1895,  Canto  XXI, 
p.  19. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  93 

sporting  with  his  queen  in  the  water.  She  was  envious  of  their 
fehcity  and  was  defiled  by  her  thoughts.  Jamadagni  demanded 
that  she  should  be  killed  for  this,  and  called  his  four  sons  to  slay 
their  mother.  Three  refused  and  were  turned  into  idiots  by  their 
father's  curse.  The  fourth,  Parasu  Rama,  consented.  His 
father  was  so  pleased  with  his  obedience  that  he  asked  Parasu 
Rama  to  request  any  boon.  He  asked  that  his  mother  should  be 
restored  without  any  memory  of  the  terrible  deed,  and  that  his 
brothers  should  have  their  reason  given  to  them  again.  He  re- 
quested for  himself  that  he  should  be  invincible  in  battle  and  have 
length  of  days.     All  these  requests  Jamadagni  readily  granted. 

In  this  original  legend  there  is  no  mention  of  Saktis  or  Rak- 
shasas.  But  it  was  evidently  a  story  which  took  hold  of  the  imagi- 
nation of  the  people,  and  those  wishing  to  unite  the  two  cults  have 
seized  upon  it  and  enlarged  it  so  as  to  make  it  belong  to  both 
Hindus  and  Dravidians,  and  thus  form  a  legendary  connection 
between  the  gods  of  the  two. 

In  the  Devi  Bhagavatam,'^^  which  is  a  production  later  than  the 
Puranas,  and  prepared  by  the  Brahmans  to  explain  the  origin  of 
various  gods,  the  story  of  the  Rakshasa  embracing  the  tree  is  given. 
Here  only  the  one  embraces  the  tree  and  she  becomes  Renuka,  and 
from  her  arise  the  other  Saktis.  This  is  an  interesting  variant,  as 
it  makes  the  Saktis  originate  in  the  Rakshasas,^^  while  at  the 
same  time  they  are  the  ofifspring  of  Vishnu.  This  attaches  them 
very  closely  to  the  Hindu  pantheon.  At  first  sight  it  would  seem 
that  there  must  be  some  basis  for  this  connection  between  the 
Rakshasas  and  demons  of  the  Vedas  and  the  demons  of  the  Dra- 
vidians. Such  an  explanation  is  never  given  by  the  people,  how- 
ever, and  a  legend  like  the  above,  making  this  connection,  is  very 
rare.  The  demons  of  the  \^edas  and  the  Dravidian  demons  have 
but  little  in  common. 

Another  legend  in  which  Vishnu  is  the  chief  actor,  runs  as  fol- 
lows. In  the  beginning  there  was  a  Sakti  who  had  amorous  de- 
sires for  Vishnu,  and  attempted  to  entice  him.  Vishnu  asked 
her  for  her  wheel  or  discus.     She  gave  it  to  him,  and  it  since 

2*  Not  translated  into  English. 

25  On  the  relation  between  Rakshasas  and  Saktis  see  note  i,  page  51. 


94  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

has  become  Vishnu's  weapon.  He  then  asked  her  for  her  eye  and 
she  gave  him  that  also.  Because  she  had  parted  with  these  things 
the  Sakti  "lost  one  half  her  fat."  Vishnu  now  told  her  to  go  and 
bathe  in  the  sea  to  allay  her  amorous  desires,  but  before  she  had 
time  to  carry  out  his  command,  Vishnu  drank  all  the  water  of  the 
seven  seas,  and  there  was  none  left  for  her  to  bathe  in. 

The  Sakti  was  now  very  angry,  and  the  gods,  Brahma,  Mshnu, 
and  Siva,  were  much  frightened,  fearing  that  she  would  destroy 
them.  From  their  owm  bodies  they  made  an  image  which  they 
named  Visva  Brahma,-*'  and  gave  life  to  the  image.  They  ordered 
him  to  make  them  a  chariot  quickly.  When  this  was  ready  the 
gods  mounted  it  and  ascended  into  the  skies  to  be  out  of  reach 
cf  the  Sakti. 

The  Sakti  wandered  over  the  earth  looking  for  water,  and  finally 
found  as  much  as  could  be  put  into  a  cow's  track.  She  poured  this 
water  over  her  head,  and  returned  to  where  she  had  left  Mshnu. 
Not  finding  him  she  wept,  saying  that  Vishnu  had  deceived  her. 
Suddenly  the  three  gods  appeared  above  her  in  the  chariot.  She 
saw  them  and  besought  them  to  take  her  up  to  them.  Vishnu 
told  her  to  come  up  to  them  by  the  help  of  the  wonder-working 
discus  which  he  now  threw  down  to  her.  This  she  did,  but  by  so 
doing  lost  her  power  as  a  Sakti.  When  she  approached  the  chariot 
she  was  unable  to  defend  herself,  and  Vishnu  took  the  discus  and 
cut  her  into  three  pieces.  Brahma  took  the  trunk,  Vishnu  the 
head,  and  Siva  the  legs.  These  three  parts  became  respectively 
their  three  wives,  Sarasvati,  Lakshmi,  and  Parvati.  They  then 
took  the  blood  and  with  it  created  one  hundred  and  one  Saktis 
which  have  in  various  forms  become  the  village  goddesses. 

This  legend  is  a  direct  attempt  to  attach  the  Dravidian  deities  to 
the  Hindu  triad.  They  are  the  blood  and  so  the  life  of  the  Sakti 
who  became  the  three  wives  of  the  gods.  The  main  features  of  the 
legend  are  found  in  the  Devi  Bhagavatam. 

Legends  of  Korlapati  Ankamma.     In  the  story  of  Jamadagni 

and  Renuka,  Korlapati  Ankamma  is  the  terrible  form  which  Re- 

2«  More  commonly  called  Visva  Karma  or  Visva  Karmudu.  He  is  the 
Vulcan  of  the  gods. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  95 

nuka  assumes.-^  This  Ankanima  is  an  important  character  among 
Dravidian  gods  and  there  are  many  legends  about  her.  Xone  of 
these  appear  at  all  in  the  Puranas.  They  are  of  later  origin,  and 
as  Ankamma  is  the  victor  and  the  Brahmans  the  defeated,  it  is 
probable  that  these  stories  are  of  Dravidian  origin.  They  evi- 
dently were  composed  to  set  forth  the  humiliation  of  the  Brah- 
mans, a  humiliation  consisting  in  their  having  departed  from  their 
traditions  to  such  an  extent  that  they  worship  Ankamma.  Here 
we  may  see  the  modern  fear  which  the  Brahmans  have  of 
Dravidian  devils.  The  stage  is  past  when  the  Brahmans  good- 
naturedly  attempted  merely  to  attach  the  Dravidian  goddesses  to 
their  own  system.  Attempting  to  conquer  the  Dravidian  gods- 
thev  have  been  conquered  by  them,  until,  although  they  hesitate  ta 
admit  it,  nearly  all  Brahmans  fear  the  local  deities  almost  as  much 
as  do  the  Dravidians  themselves. 

One  of  the  stories  is  concerning  the  subjection  of  seven  kings. 
They  were  reigning  in  a  certain  city,  but  neglected  to  worship  the 
Sakti  of  the  place.  They  even  whipped  her  and  threw  her  away. 
The  ammavarn,  or  Saktis,  were  very  angry  over  this,  and  sought 
for  a  way  to  bring  these  kings  into  subjection.  So  the  village: 
Sakti  took  the  form  of  an  Erukala  woman-*  and  went  about  the: 
village  telling  fortunes  and  divining. 

Now  it  happened  that  the  eldest  of  these  kings  was  sick.  When- 
the  diviner  ^vent  to  the  palace  the  mother  of  the  sick  king  asked' 
her  to  come  in  and  tell  about  the  prospects  of  his  recovery.  When' 
the  diviner  was  brought  to  the  side  of  the  sick  man  he  recognized' 
her,  and  saying  that  she  was  not  a  diviner,  but  a  Sakti^  he  caused! 
her  to  be  whipped  and  driven  from  the  city. 

Having  failed  in  this  effort  the  Sakti  now  adopted  a  Siva  dis- 
guise, and  wearing  the  lingain  came  to  the  king.  When  asked  her 
request  she  said  that  it  was  only  a  small  one.  She  desired  only  to 
be  given  a  great  rock  in  a  desert  place  on  which  she  would  plant 
a  flower  garden.  The  king  granted  her  request  and  she,  together 
with  the  other  Saktis,  plowed  the  rock  and  planted  the  garden. 
When  the  flowers  were  in  bloom,  she  brought  some  to  the  king,, 

-"  See  page  90. 

-■''  See  the  note,  page  52. 


96  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

saying  that  Siva  would  be  much  pleased  if  the  king  would  use  the 
flowers  in  his  daily  worship.  The  king  was  much  interested,  and 
appointed  her  to  bring  him  flowers  daily. 

After  a  time  the  woman  told  the  king  that  it  would  be  more 
pleasing  to  Siva  if  he  would  come  and  gather  the  flowers  him- 
self. To  this  he  consented,  and  for  several  days  came  to  the  gar- 
den and  picked  the  flowers.  One  day,  however,  the  Sakti  appeared 
as  a  parrot,  and  pulled  the  lynch  pins  out  of  the  king's  chariot. 
She  then  called,  "Thief!  Thief!"  because  the  king  was  taking 
the  flowers.  Hearing  the  cry,  all  the  other  Saktis  rushed  in 
and  binding  the  king,  put  him  on  his  chariot,  which  at  once  fell 
to  pieces. 

The  village  Sakti  now  appeared  in  her  usual  form  and  said, 
"  You  have  not  worshiped  me,  but  have  driven  me  out.  Never- 
theless, if  now  you  will  worship  me,  I  will  let  you  go."  But  the 
king  replied  that  even  though  they  impaled  him  on  a  stick  before 
Ankamma  he  would  not  worship  the  Sakti.  The  Saktis  replied 
that  he  had  named  his  own  fate.  He  and  his  brothers  must  be 
impaled  on  a  stake.  They  cut  down  a  palm  tree  and  made  a  sharp 
stake.  The  kings,  however,  requested  that  they  might  have  an 
iron  spike.  This  point  was  conceded,  and  the  kings  threw  them- 
selves on  to  the  spike  and  were  killed.  The  name  of  the  place  was 
Koralapadu,  and  so  the  goddess  is  called  Koralapati  Ankamma.^^ 
This  legend  accounts  for  the  spikes  in  the  hands  of  Ankamma, 
and  also  for  the  impaling  of  animals  at  the  time  of  her  worship. 
The  story  then  goes  on  to  tell  of  the  complete  surrender  to 
Ankamma. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  these  kings  on  the  impaling  spike,  the 
wife  of  the  head-king  brought  forth  a  posthumous  son.  One  day, 
when  he  was  nearly  grown,  his  companions  twitted  him  with  being 
fatherless.  He  came  in  anger  to  his  mother  and  asked  her  what 
truth  there  was  in  the  taunt.  She  feared  to  tell  him  lest  the 
Saktis  should  attempt  to  destroy  him  also,  but  he  pleaded  so 
strongly  that  at  last  she  informed  him  of  the  manner  of  his  father's 
death. 

Filled  with  anger  the  boy  determined  to  destroy  the  Saktis.     He 

2»  Koralapati  is  the  genitive  case  of  Koralapadu. 


PLATE  VII 


WORSHIP  OF  AN  ANT   HILL 

This  is  a  nest  of  the  destructive  white  ants.  It  is  commonly  called  an  ant-hill. 
If  dug  out  it  is  quickly  built  again  by  the  ants.  Cobra  snakes  are  often  found  in 
these   ant-hills. 


Till-:    IMPALING   STAKE 

The  small  stone  by  the  stake  is  Potu  Razu.  On  the  stake  shown  in  this  picture, 
the  villagers  affirm  that  sheep  are  not  impaled  as  formerly,  but  that  their  legs  are  tied 
together   and   hooked   over   the    stake. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  97 

started  out,  but  did  not  know  the  way.  Seeing  a  rishi  at  his  devo- 
tions, he  wanted  to  ask  where  the  Saktis  lived,  but  did  not  dare 
disturb  such  a  holy  man.  He  adopted  a  device,  however,  to 
draw  the  first  word  from  the  rishi.  He  placed  two  stones  for  a 
fireplace,  and  his  knee  in  the  place  of  the  third  stone.  He  then 
placed  a  pot  on  the  stones  and  his  knee,  and  lighted  the  fire  in  the 
usual  way.  When  the  fire  burned  his  knee,  he  jerked  it  away, 
breaking  the  pot.  After  he  had  done  this  twice  the  rishi  became 
interested  and  asked  him  about  his  journey,  with  the  result  that 
the  boy  was  properly  advised. 

The  boy  went  on  his  journey  and  came  to  a  flat-roofed  house. 
Ankamma  was  on  the  house  top.  He  took  out  his  pipe  and  played 
her  a  tune,  and  Ankamma  danced  and  danced,  and  finally  came 
down  to  where  he  was.  Here  the  story  stops  strangely  by  simply 
saying  that  the  boy  surrendered  at  once  to  x'Xnkamma,  and  agreed 
to  worship  her,  something  which  his  people  have  done  ever  since. 
The  playing  of  the  pipes  at  the  worship  of  Ankamma  is  said  to  be 
in  memory  of  this  event. 

The  entire  legend  of  Ankamma  appears  to  be  a  Dravidian 
composition  intended  to  show  the  final  surrender  of  the  reluctant 
Brahmans. 

Legends  of  Matangi.  The  stories  connected  with  the  Matangi 
worship  are  numerous,  and  throw  much  light  on  the  efifort  to  con- 
nect a  worship  most  decidedly  aboriginal  with  that  of  the  Brah- 
manic  cult.^°  These  stories,  as  will  be  seen,  contain  parts  of  many 
of  the  same  legends  that  are  applied  to  other  deities.  Some  of 
them  give  evidence  of  Brahmanic  origin,  while  others  evidently 
arose  from  the  Dravidians.     Some  of  them  may  now  be  given. 

Brahma  had  a  son,  A^asa  Devadu,  and  planned  to  marry  him  to 
Devakka.  Before  the  wedding  was  celebrated  a  rishi  told  De- 
vakka's  brother  that  there  would  be  no  joy  in  the  wedding;  that 
seven  children  would  be  born  to  them ;  that  if  the  first  lived  harm 
would  come  to  his  kingdom,  while  if  the  seventh  lived  the  brother's 
wife  would  die.  Because  of  this  prophecy  the  brother  took  a 
sword,  and  as  all  were  going  to  the  wedding,  attempted  to  kill  his 
sister.  In  terror  she  asked  the  cause  of  his  murderous  intention. 
He  told  her  of  the  prophecy,  and  then  she  pleaded  with  him  for 

^'^  See  pp.  30  sq.  for  a  description  of  Matangi  ceremonies. 


98  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

her  life,  promising  to  send  to  him  every  child  as  soon  as  it  was 
bom  that  it  might  be  destroyed.  In  consideration  of  this  promise 
the  brother  consented  to  the  marriage. 

\\'lien  the  first  child  was  born  it  was  brought  to  the  brother,  but 
when  he  saw  it  he  was  moved  with  compassion,  and  so  with  all  the 
first  six.  All  were  spared.  The  rishi  now  appeared  again  and 
by  more  dire  threats  and  prophecies  so  frightened  the  brother  that 
he  set  out  with  all  the  children  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jagannath  Swami 
at  Puri.  There,  when  the  children  were  on  their  faces  before 
the  szi'anii,  he  beheaded  them  all. 

When  the  mother  heard  of  this,  she  was  distracted  with  grief, 
but  as  she  had  promised  to  give  up  the  children,  she  could  do  noth- 
ing. When  the  seventh  child  was  about  to  be  born,  Krishna, 
knowing  of  her  grief,  took  the  place  of  the  child,  and  was  born  to 
Devakka.  Soon,  however,  Krishna  began  to  fear  for  himself, 
and  coming  to  his  father,  induced  him  to  make  an  exchange,  bring- 
ing Papanooka.  the  newly  born  daughter  of  King  Xandadu  and 
placing  her  beside  Devakka,  while  Krishna  took  the  place  of  the 
baby  girl.  Krishna  gave  as  his  reason  for  the  exchange  that  a 
girl  was  more  likely  to  be  spared  than  a  boy. 

Devakka's  brother  now  came  to  slay  that  child  also.  The 
mother  pleaded  with  him,  "  Brother,  the  child  is  a  girl.  You 
must  not  hurt  it.  There  wnll  be  no  profit  to  you  if  you  kill  it." 
But  he  would  not  listen,  and  taking  the  child  threw  her  into  the  air 
to  cut  ofif  her  head  as  she  fell.  The  girl  did  not  fall,  however,  but 
continued  to  ascend  until  she  stood  on  the  clouds.  She  then 
turned  and  said,  "  O  Kamsada,  you  are  an  evil  man.  You  are  try- 
ing to  kill  me.  I  will  not  destroy  you,  but  my  brother  (Krishna) 
is  living  in  another-  place  and  he  will  destroy  you."  She  then 
disappeared  and  became  the  mother  of  the  earth.  Krishna  now 
ga\e  order  that  there  should  be  a  light  in  the  world  to  represent 
her.     The  IMadigas  now  claim  her  as  Mathamma  or  Matangi.^^ 

The   above    story   makes   !Matangi   to   be   the    foster   sister   of 

31  The  main  points  of  this  story  arc  found  originally  in  the  Srec  mad 
Bagavata,  Decima  skandhamu,  Madras.  1893,  pp.  4  f.  The  identification 
of  the  deified  girl  with  Matangi  is  a  later  addition. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  99 

Krishna,  and  so  directly  connected  with  Mshnu.  A  variant  of  the 
legend  of  the  origin  of  Renuka  in  an  ant-hill,^-  makes  Matangi  to 
be  Parvati  incarnate,  and  so  the  wife  of  Siva.^^  According  to 
this  variant,  Parvati  appeared  to  the  king  as  a  beautiful  maiden, 
and  when  he  tried  to  capture  her  she  evaded  him,  and  disappeared 
in  an  ant-hill.  The  king  sent  for  men  to  dig  out  the  ant-hill,  but 
the  earth  was  as  hard  as  stone  and  they  made  no  progress.  At 
last  the  king  grew  angry,  and  struck  his  spear  into  the  ant-hill, 
piercing  the  head  of  the  maiden.  When  he  removed  the  spear, 
brains  and  blood  oozed  out,  and  the  king  and  his  attendants,  seeing 
this,  fell  into  a  swoon. 

The  maiden  now  came  out  of  the  ant-hill  as  a  great  goddess. 
She  held  the  heavens  in  her  left  hand,  and  the  great  serpent, 
Adiseshudu,  in  her  right  hand.  These  are  now  represented  by  a 
basket  in  the  left  hand  and  a  stick  in  the  right  hand  of  the  Alatangi. 
She  also  held  the  sun  and  moon  as  plates  in  her  hands,  and  in  one 
caught  the  spilt  blood  and  in  the  other  the  scattered  brains.  With 
the  blood  she  made  the  hottu,  or  sacred  red  mark,  on  the  fore- 
heads of  the  people  who  were  still  in  a  swoon.  This  is  said  to  be 
the  reason  that  the  Matangi  now  carries  two  brass  plates  containing 
saffron  and  turmeric  with  which  she  marks  the  foreheads  of  the 
worshipers. 

At  last  the  king  and  his  attendants  awoke  from  their  swoon,  and 
the  goddess  now  became  a  maiden  again  and  was  taken  to  the 
palace.  She  was  afterwards  married  to  the  riski,  Jamadagni,  and 
became  the  mother  of  five  sons  of  whom  Parasu  Rama  was  one.^* 

The  story  is  continued  in  a  variant  of  the  legend  of  the  behead- 
ing of  Renuka. ^^  She  w^ent  for  water  to  the  Gundlakamma,  a 
river  of  the  Aladras  Presidency,  and  saw  in  the  water  the  reflection 
of  the  great  warrior,  Karthaviriyarjuna,  with  one  thousand  arms, 
who  happened  at  that  moment  to  be  flying  across  the  sky.     She 

32  See  page  83. 

33  E.  R.  Clough,  While  Sewing  Sandals,  New  York,  1899,  pp.  74  sq. 

3-*  Thurston  (Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India.  Madras,  1909,  IV,  p. 
297)  gives  another  variation  of  the  story  in  which  the  goddess  appeared  as 
a  golden  parrot  and  sat  on  the  ant-hill. 

^■^  See  page  88.  For  still  other  versions  of  this  popular  story  see 
Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India,  IV,  pp.  297,  300-303. 


lOO  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

allowed  her  thoughts  to  rest  on  the  beautiful  warrior  for  a  moment, 
and  then  attempted  to- take  home  the  water  by  rolling  it  into  a  ball, 
as  was  her  custom.  But  this  time,  try  as  she  might,  the  water 
would  not  form  a  ball,  and  she  was  obliged  to  return  home  empty- 
handed. 

It  was  because  of  this  lapse  in  her  chastity  that  Jamadagni  or- 
dered her  to  be  killed.  When  Parasu  Rama  shot  the  arrow  which 
severed  his  mother's  head,  it  took  off  also  the  head  of  a  Madiga 
slave  who  was  following  her. 

When  Parasu  Rama  secured  the  promise  from  his  father  that 
his  mother  should  be  reanimated,  he  went  himself  to  attend  to  the 
matter.  It  was  early  morning  and  still  dark.  He  found  the 
head  and  placed  it  on  the  trunk.  He  then  sprinkled  holy  water 
on  the  dismembered  body,  and  it  lived.  He  now  saw  another 
head  and  trunk  lying  near,  and  recognizing  the  face  of  the  slave, 
he  joined  the  head  and  body  and  caused  her  to  live  again  also. 

It  was  now  growing  light,  and  what  was  his  vexation  to  discover 
that  he  had  mixed  the  heads  and  bodies,  and  his  mother's  head  was 
now  attached  to  the  body  of  the  ^ladiga  slave,  and  vice  versa. 
He  did  not  dare  risk  another  double  murder  to  put  the  matter 
right,  and  so  was  compelled  to  bring  the  two  women  to  his  father, 
and  beg  his  forgiveness.  Jamadagni  was  angry,  but  at  last  con- 
sented to  accept  as  his  wife  the  woman  who  had  Renuka's  head. 
He  then  made  the  other  woman  an  inferior  deity,  and  she  became 
]\Iatangi. 

This  surely  marks  the  limit  for  the  mixture  of  the  Brahman  and 
Madiga  cults.  According  to  this  story  ]\Iatangi  has  the  body  of  a 
Hindu  deity  and  the  head  of  a  Madiga  woman.  It  is  evidently  a 
definite  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Brahmans  to  explain  the  interest 
which  they  have  in  the  ]\Iatangi,  and  also  an  attempt  to  attach  this 
important  goddess  to  the  Hindu  pantheon. 

Another  version  of  the  story^*  relates  that  Renuka  took  refuge 
with  the  Madigas  to  escape  being  slain  by  her  son.  When  they 
refused  to  give  her  up,  he  slew  them  all.  When  he  went  later  to 
reanimate  his  mother  he  made  the  mistake  of  placing  her  head 
on  the  body  of  a  Madiga  woman,  but  no  one  else  was  reanimated. 

3«E.  R.  Clough,   While  Sewing  Sandals,  New  York,  1809,  P-  85. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  loi 

His  father  refused  to  accept  this  woman  as  his  wife  and  she  re- 
mained with  the  JMadigas  as  Ellamma,  who  is  said  to  be  another 
form  of  Alatangi.  This  story  appears  to  be  the  Aladiga  recension 
of  the  former  story  in  which  the  slave  became  Matangi. 

The  asadis,  Madiga  story  tellers,  recite  a  legend^"  which  gives  a 
still  further  account  of  the  connection  between  Matangi  and  El- 
lamma, but  does  not  make  them  identical.  According  to  this  tale, 
Ellamma  is  the  wife  of  Jamadagni,  and  so  identical  with  Renuka. 
She  is  the  original  Sakti.  and  the  first  cause  of  the  universe. 
Matangi  is  an  inferior  deity  who  secures  her  powers  by  associa- 
tion with  Ellamma. 

The  story  proceeds  to  tell  that  one  day  Ellamma  was  going  to  a 
town  called  Oragallu,  and  was  accompanied  by  ]\Iatangi.  On  the 
way  Matangi's  feet  blistered,  and  she  sat  down  with  Ellamma  be- 
neath a  margosa  tree.  She  then  asked  permission  from  Ellamma 
to  get  some  toddy  from  a  toddy  drawer.  He  became  angry  at  her 
request,  evidently  because  she  was  a  ^ladiga,  and  tying  her  to  a 
date  palm  tree,  beat  her  and  gave  her  basket  and  cane  to  his  groom. 

Matangi  escaped  and  went  to  a  brother  of  this  man,  who  treated 
her  kindly.  He  had  sixty  bullockloads  of  toddy  and  offered 
some  to  her.  She  held  a  margosa  shell  to  receive  it.  The  shell 
w^ould  not  contain  twenty  drops,  yet  he  poured  the  sixty  bullock- 
loads into  the  shell  without  being  able  to  fill  it.  He  then  brought 
fresh  toddy  from  some  palms  near  by.  and  the  shell  was  filled. 
Matangi  blessed  him  and  ordered  that  in  every  grove  three  trees 
should  be  left  untapped  for  her.^-  Matangi  now  returned  to 
Ellamma  and  they  determined  to  punish  the  first  toddy-drawer. 
Matangi  went  to  him  once  more,  but  this  time  as  a  young  woman 
selling  cosmetics.  He  purchased  them  but  upon  applying  them 
was  immediately  attacked  with  all  sorts  of  terrible  diseases.  Again 
Matangi  appeared,  this  time  as  a  diviner,  and  told  him  the  reason 
for  his  affliction,  whereupon  he  became  her  devoted  follower  and 
was  healed. 

This  story  gives  the  reason  for  her  worship.     It  is  the  same  as 

s'' Thurston,  Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India.  Madras,  1909,  IV,  pp. 
306  sq. 

38  This  is  still  a  common  custom,  but  the  toddy-drawers  leave  trees  in 
the  names  of  other  goddesses  beside  Matangi. 


I02  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

the  reason  for  the  worship  of  all  Dravidian  deities,  the  fear  of 
disaster.  This  is  probably  a  story  of  Madiga  origin,  as  it  depicts 
the  victory  of  Alatangi  over  higher  castes.  The  following  story 
is  still  more  evidently  an  attempt,  from  the  Dravidian  point  of 
view,  to  account  for  her  worship  by  higher  castes. 

In  former  times  there  was  a  Brahman  named  \^era  Kalita  Raja. 
He  was  a  beggar^^  and  worshiped  Poleramma,  an  unusual  practice 
for  a  Brahman.  In  the  course  of  time  six  sons  were  born  to  this 
Brahman  and  his  wife.  Before  the  seventh  son,  Pattadhi  Rudra, 
was  born  he  felt  the  disgrace  of  his  father  being  a  worshiper  of 
Poleramma,  and  made  a  vow  that  he  would  never  worship  any  of 
the  ammavaru.  Accordingly  he  determined  that  he  would  not  ap- 
pear in  the  world  in  the  usual  way,  and  coming  out  through  his 
mother's  back,  he  entered  a  gourd  and  continued  to  grow  in  that. 

The  gourd  grew  north  and  south,  and  one  day  it  separated  itself 
from  the  vine  and  began  to  roll  toward  the  bazaar.  ^^leanwhile 
his  mother  was  going  to  the  well,  and  the  rolling  gourd  struck  her 
feet.  As  it  was  a  large  gourd,  she  called  a  cart  and  took  it  home 
thinking  that  she  had  secured  a  prize.  After  arriving  at  the  house 
she  opened  the  gourd,  and  her  lost  son  appeared.  Immediately  the 
entire  house  became  the  color  of  gold.  Soon  the  father  came  from 
his  begging,  and  did  not  recognize  the  house  because  of  its 
changed  appearance.  He  was  about  to  pass  by  when  his  wife 
called  to  him,  and  told  him  the  whole  story.  Then  there  was 
great  joy  in  that  house. 

After  this  the  villagers  wanted  to  choose  a  king,  and  they  de- 
termined that  one  should  be  chosen  from  among  the  six  sons  of  the 
Brahman.  The  sons  quarreled  about  the  honor,  and  finally  the 
eldest  proposed  that  all  should  secrete  themselves  in  palm  trees. 
An  elephant  should  be  brought,  a  garland  placed  on  its  trunk,  and 
whichever  boy  should  be  given  the  garland  by  the  elephant  would 
be  king.  The  plan  was  carried  out,  but  the  elephant  passed  by  all 
the  palm  trees,  and  going  to  the  house  where  the  seventh  son  was, 
put  the  garland  on  him.     So  he  became  the  king. 

3*  The  profession  of  begging  is  as  honorable  in  India  as  is  any  other 
method  of  making  a  livelihood.  Those  who  adopt  it  are  usually  religious 
mendicants. 


Dravidian  Gods  in  Hindu  Legends  103 

Up  to  this  point  the  story  is  evidently  of  Brahmanic  origin, 
but  it  now  begins  to  take  on  the  Dravidian  aspect.  The  boy  who 
has  been  so  honored  because  he  refused  to  worship  the  ammavarn, 
or  Dravidian  deities,  has  to  submit  at  last. 

The  story  now  goes  on  to  relate  that  when  the  new  king  assumed 
his  authority  he  commanded  that  no  one  should  worship  any  of 
the  village  goddesses  on  penalty  of  being  driven  out  of  the  place. 
The  worship  of  Poleramma  now  ceased  in  the  village.  At  the 
king's  command  they  took  Poleramma  and  throwing  her  into  a 
miry  pit,  caused  the  elephants  to  tread  her  down.  There  were 
two  leeches  in  the  pit,  and  they  helped  Poleramma  to  escape.  She 
no\v  called  to  her  help  Mathamma,  who  was  in  the  hill  of  ^Nlatanga, 
and  also  her  brother,  Potu  Razu.  These  came  at  once  and  their 
first  act  was  to  create  three  hundred  and  sixty  diseases  which  they 
put  into  a  bundle  and  entrusted  to  Potu  Razu. 

In  the  meantime  the  new  king  had  fallen  sick  with  a  carbuncle, 
and  was  at  the  point  of  death.  His  mother  was  frightened  and 
proposed  that  they  worship  the  amuiaz-ani,  but  he  would  not  con- 
sent, saying  that  the  ammavarn  were  the  gods  of  the  ^ladigas, 
and  should  not  be  worshiped  in  the  village.  His  mother,  however, 
took  an  offering  and  went  secretly  to  Mathamma  to  make  her 
petition.  ^lathamma  replied  that  if  the  prime  minister's  teeth 
were  changed  into  shells,  his  ribs  into  sticks,  his  stomach  into  a 
pot,  and  his  nerves  into  wires,  her  son  would  live.^*' 

King  Rudra  did  not  consent  to  these  demands,  and  so  Potu  Razu 
went  through  the  village  announcing  that  the  next  day  there  would 
be  a  jafara.  He  placed  a  stone  in  the  middle  of  the  village,  and 
called  it  Potu  Razu  for  himself.  He  then  opened  his  bundle  of 
diseases,  and  immediately  people  and  cattle  in  great  numbers  began 
to  die.  INIathamma  now  appeared  as  a  diviner,  and  when  they 
consulted  her,  she  said  that  all  this  evil  had  come  to  pass  because 
they  had  driven  Poleramma  out,  and  she  announced,  "  I  am 
IMathamma.  born  in  the  hill  of  Matanga.     If  people  begin  to  wor- 

^0  It  is  said  that  this  demanded  transformation  is  now  represented  b}'  the 
sithara  used  by  the  singers.  The  instrument  often  consists  of  a  pumpkin 
or  rude  bowl  which  looks  like  a  pot,  on  which  with  the  aid  of  sticks  are 
strung  the  wires  that  give  the  music.  Shells  are  alwaj's  attached  to  the 
instrument. 


I04  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

ship  me.  all  these  troubles  will  go."  King  Rudra  hearing  this, 
consented  with  all  of  his  people,  to  worship  the  antmavaru  as  they 
are  worshiped  by  the  Madigas,  and  again  the  conquerors  were  con- 
quered.^^ 

■*!  The  name  Matanga  and  the  feminine  form,  Matangi,  occur  in  early- 
Indian  literature.  See  The  Ramayan  of  Valmiki,  translated  by  T.  H. 
Griffith,  Benares,  1895,  pp.  246,  315-319.  etc.  It  is  probable  that  there  is 
no  connection  between  these  names  in  the  Raiuayaiia  and  the  religious  insti- 
tution of  the  Matangi,  except  that  the  names  have  a  common  origin.  For 
an  excellent  discussion  of  this  question  see  E.  R.  Clough,  While  Sewing 
Sandals.  New  York,  1899,  pp.  73  sq.  Mrs.  Clough  is  inclined  to  connect  the 
names    in    the    Ramayana    with    the    present   institution    of   the    Matangi. 


CHAPTER  X 
The  Shepherds'  Purana 

The  stories  in  the  preceding  chapter  are  connected  with  the 
gods  upon  which  the  outcastes  have  especial  claims,  gods  which 
probably  originated  with  them.  There  is  another  line  of  legends 
belonging  especially  to  the  shepherd  caste.  These  legends  do  not 
deal  primarly  with  the  origin  of  their  gods,  but  they  help  to 
throw  light  on  this  question  as  well  as  on  the  motives  and  objects 
of  Dravidian  worship.^ 

The  chief  goddess  of  the  shepherd  caste  is  Gangamma.  She 
has  all  the  characteristics  of  the  other  Dravidian  deities,  and  her 
origin  is  certainly  not  Brahmanic.  Her  story  is  much  confused. 
Ganga  is  the  name  of  the  Ganges  river,  and  means  originally 
"  water."  One  explanation  commonly  given  for  her  worship  is 
that  she  is  the  symbol  of  water,  one  of  the  elements  essential  to 
life.  There  seems  to  be  nothing  either  in  her  worship  or  in  the 
stories  connected  w4th  her  to  indicate  any  connection  between  her 
and  the  Ganges  river.  One  of  the  ancestors  of  the  shepherds 
was  named  Ganga  Razu,  and  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  name 
of  the  goddess  came  from  him  than  from  the  river. 

The  story  of  the  origin  of  Gangamma,  as  commonly  told  by  the 
shepherds,  relates  that  she  was  in  heaven  and  came  down  as  a 
spring  of  water  to  bless  the  earth  in  the  Kali  Yugamu?  She  then 
was  born  in  Madurapuri,  in  the  Madura  District.  For  some 
reason  the  king  wanted  to  kill  her  and  so  she  ascended  into  the 
sky,  and  later  hid  herself  in  a  cave  called  Amboji.^  Here  she 
was  found  by  six  thousand  shepherds. 

1  The  shepherd  caste  is  undoubtedly  of  Dravidian  origin.  It  is  a  branch 
of  the  Sudra  caste.  Their  legends  have  not  been  printed,  but  are  found  on 
palm-leaf  books,  which  are  jealously  guarded.  These  legends  are  com- 
monly called  the  "  Shepherds'  Purana."  They  are  of  comparatively  recent 
origin. 

2  YugaviH  means  age.  The  Hindus  divide  all  time  into  four  ages,  the 
Krita,  Trcta.  Dvapara,  and  Kali  yugamus.  The  Kali  Yugamu  or  iron  age 
is  considered  to  be  a  time  of  distress  and  troubles.     It  is  the  present  age. 

3  Ambhojaniu  is  the  Sanskrit  term  for  lotus. 

105 


io6  Draridian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

Some  time  later  these  shepherds  were  worshiping  Siva,  when 
she  interfered  with  their  worship,  ruining  some  of  the  ceremonies. 
The  shepherds  became  angry  and  began  to  whip  her  with  ropes, 
but  immediately  she  turned  into  a  stone  image.  They  then  began 
accusing  and  beating  one  another,  and  to  this  day  rope  whips  are 
kept  as  a  part  of  the  sacred  relics  of  the  goddess.  This  narrative 
appears  to  be  a  mixture  of  the  legend  given  in  the  Rainayana*  of 
the  origin  of  the  Ganges  river,  and  of  some  local  story  of  the 
origin  of  a  goddess  who  was  thus  rather  clumsily  attached  to 
Hinduism. 

Another  legend,  apparently  quite  distinct  from  this  one.  is  con- 
nected with  the  beginnings  of  the  shepherd  caste.  There  were 
five  brothers  who  were  kings  among  the  shepherds.  One  of 
them,  Pedda  Razu,  had  a  war  with  another  king  and  was  slain  in 
battle.  When  he  was  dying,  the  king  who  had  wounded  him,  pre- 
tending to  be  moved  with  compassion,  asked  him  to  think  of  the 
person  whom  he  loved  best.  This  thought  would  bring  that  per- 
son to  his  presence.  The  victorious  king  expected  Pedda  Razu 
to  think  of  his  own  son,  Katama  Razu,  and  thus  there  would  be 
an  opportunity  to  kill  him  too. 

Pedda  Razu,  however,  thought  of  the  gods,  and  immediately 
they  surrounded  him  and  placed  a  guard  about  him  so  that  no  one 
might  touch  his  blood  or  his  corpse.  They  called  the  Adi  Sakti, 
that  is  the  original  Sakti,  Gangamma.  and  asked  her  to  stand  on 
guard.  She  protested  that  as  the  battle  was  raging  she  could 
not  do  so.  They  then  placed  a  string  in  a  winnowing  fan,  and 
drew  it  around  that  part  of  the  battle  field  so  that  no  enemies  or 
demons  might  cross  it  and  approach  the  dead  king. 

Katama  Razu  now  heard  of  the  death  of  his  father,  and  com- 
ing quickly,  won  the  battle.  Gangamma,  seeing  his  powers,  at 
once  fell  in  love  with  him  and  wished  to  marry  him.  But  Ka- 
tama Razu  said,  "  You  are  a  Sakti.  How  could  such  a  relation 
be  possible  ?  "  She  would  not  accept  his  refusal  and  vowed  to 
marry  him  anyway.  Katama  Razu  now  made  what  he  considered 
to  be  a  condition  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  comply  with.    He 

*  Griffith,  The  Ramayan  of  Valmiki,  Benares,  1895,  Canto  XXXVI,  p.  48. 


The  Shepherds'  Pur  ana  loy 

told  her  that  if  she  could  prevent  his  crossing  the  Paleru  river 
on  his  return  from  battle,  he  would  marry  her. 

After  a  time  Katama  Razu  ended  the  battle  and  driving  the 
cattle,  the  spoils  of  battle,  before  him,  set  out  on  his  return  jour- 
ney. When  he  reached  the  Paleru  river  Gangamma  was  there. 
Taking  an  ox  and  a  heifer  she  hid  them  under  a  rock  beside 
the  river,  and  then  sat  on  a  branch  of  a  tree  to  see  what  would 
happen. 

After  Katama  Razu  had  driven  the  herd  across  the  river,  he 
counted  them  and  found  that  two  were  missing.  He  returned 
and  searched  everywhere,  but  without  success.  Gangamma  finally 
appeared,  and  showing  him  the  animals,  took  them  out  from 
under  the  rock.  She  now  reminded  him  of  his  promise  to  marry 
her  if  she  were  able  to  impede  his  progress.  Realizing  that  he 
was  caught,  he  told  her  that  if  she  would  be  born  in  the  house 
of  his  uncle,  he  would  marry  her.  Gangamma  consented,  and  in 
this  way  became  incarnated,  and  is  now  worshiped  as  the  wife  of 
Katama  Razu. 

In  this  legend  Gangamma  appears  as  the  Adi  Sakti,  a  position 
usually  assigned  to  Ellamma  in  the  popular  folklore.  The  story 
is  like  the  most  of  the  local  stories  in  that  the  goddess  is  a  Sakti 
who  was  incarnated  as  a  woman,  and  is  worshiped  after  her 
death.  It  is  probable  that  Gangamma  was  at  first  a  Perantalu. 
Katama  Razu  has  also  been  deified,  and  is  often  worshiped  in 
connection  with  Gangamma.^ 

5  There  are  many  myths  about  Katama  Razu.  In  the  worship  of  Gan- 
gamma a  Madiga  cuts  off  the  pith  post  as  described  on  page  S7-  The 
following  narrative  explains  the  act.  When  Katama  Razu  was  reigning 
in  Nellore,  he  was  engaged  in  a  war.  His  brothers  could  not  come  to 
help  him,  so  he  sent  for  Berunaydu,  a  Madiga  king,  who  at  once  fitted 
out  an  expedition  and  came  to  his  relief.  All  the  earth  trembled  when  this 
doughty  king  set  forth.  The  gods  saw  him,  and  knowing  that  he  was 
certain  to  conquer,  determined  to  prevent  his  progress.  They  placed  a 
great  log  across  the  road,  such  a  log  as  no  one  had  ever  seen  before,  and 
one  that  it  was  impossible  to  scale.  Berunaydu  came  to  the  obstacle,  and 
said,  "  If  I  can  cross  this  log  it  will  be  a  great  honor  to  me  in  the  eyes 
of  Katama  Razu,  but  if  I  cannot,  I  must  return  in  disgrace."  Saying  this, 
he  drew  his  sword,  and  with  one  stroke  cut  the  log  in  two.  His  army 
passed  through,  and  went  on  to  victory.     This  sword  appears  to  be  con- 


io8  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

The  shepherds  worship  viridu  or  heroes.  Such  personages 
have  many  of  the  characteristics  of  the  village  deities,  but  are 
not  female.  They  are  of  Madiga  origin.  The  legend  goes  on 
to  tell  of  the  origin  of  their  worship. 

Chenniah  Baludu,  a  brother  of  Katama  Razu,  was  having  a 
terrible  war  with  the  people  of  Karamapudi.  He  sent  to  Ka- 
tama Razu  for  help.  Katama  Razu  was  in  the  midst  of  a  war 
of  his  own  and  could  not  come,  so  Chenniah  Baludu  appealed  to 
the  Madigas.  They  came  at  once  and  entered  into  the  battle 
with  great  success.  At  night  all  the  warriors  lay  down  to  sleep. 
In  the  morning  Chenniah  Baludu  sent  his  prime  minister  to  call 
the  Madigas  to  a  feast  which  he  had  prepared  for  all  without 
caste  distinction. 

The  prime  minister  did  not  wish  to  call  outcastes,  so  he  re- 
turned after  remaining  away  a  sufficient  time,  and  said  that  the 
Madigas  were  bathing.  Again  he  was  sent,  and  again  without 
going  near  them  he  returned  and  said  that  they  were  putting  on 
their  botlu,  or  caste  marks.  Once  more  he  was  sent,  and  this' 
time  he  reported  that  they  were  tying  on  their  clothes.  As  it 
was  growing  late,  Chenniah  Baludu  decided  to  wait  no  longer, 
so,  putting  their  share  of  the  feast  at  one  side,  he  and  his  men 
ate  their  part. 

While  Chenniah  Baludu  and  his  men  were  eating,  some  one 
came  to  the  Madigas,  awakened  them,  and  chided  them  for  their 
laziness.  They  rubbed  their  sleepy  eyes,  arose,  and  came  to  the 
feast.  Chenniah  Baladu  now  saw  that  he  had  been  deceived  by 
his  messenger,  and  explained  the  matter  to  the  Madigas,  inviting 
them  to  eat.  They  did  not  accept  his  explanation,  however,  and 
accusing  him  of  making  caste  distinctions,  said  they  would  re- 
main seven  days  and  fight  his  battles,  but  they  would  not  touch 
his  food.     Chenniah  Baludu  now  became  indignant  and  saying, 

nected  with  the  one  used  in  beheading  the  buffalo  sacrifice.  Its  power  is 
explained  as  follows.  In  a  previous  age  Vishnu,  seeing  that  in  the  Kali 
Yugamu  men  would  need  much  help,  called  his  goldsmith,  Visva  Brahma, 
and  giving  him  a  lump  of  gold  told  him  to  make  four  useful  articles  with 
it.  This  sword  was  one  of  the  articles.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  sword 
was  given  into  the  hands  of  a  Madiga. 


The  Shepherds'  Piirana  109 

"If  you  will  not  eat  my  food,  you  shall  not  fight  my  battles,"  he 
sent  them  away. 

The  Madigas  returned  to  Katama  Razu,  and  when  he  saw  that 
they  had  returned  without  fighting  any  battles  or  winning  any 
victories,  he  was  angry,  and  would  not  speak  to  them.  The 
Madigas  were  filled  with  chagrin,  and  saying,  "  We  did  not  have 
any  part  in  the  battle  with  Chenniah  Baludu,  and  now  we  have 
no  part  with  Katama  Razu,  so  it  is  better  for  us  to  die,"  they 
threw  their  weapons  into  the  air,  and  baring  their  breasts  were 
slain  by  the  falling  swords  and  spears.  For  this  brave  act  they 
were  immediately  admitted  into  the  heaven  of  heroes. 

The  viralii  now  are  thought  to  dwell  in  the  sacred  jamrni  tree.*' 
The  place  is  marked  by  a  stone,  but  the  spirits  are  in  the  tree, 
not  in  the  stone.  They  are  propitiated  especially  at  wedding 
times,  no  doubt  with  the  idea  that  the  powers  of  these  heroes 
will  appear  in  the  offspring.  At  such  times  it  is  common  to  kill 
a  sheep  and  throw  the  blood  into  the  air  for  the  spirits. 

These  legends  of  the  shepherds  show  the  influence  of  their 
pastoral  life,  and  in  general  are  of  a  milder  nature  than  the  other 
legends  cited.  It  is  noticeable  also  that  there  is  no  evidence  of 
Brahman  influence.  There  is  almost  no  attempt  to  connect  their 
gods  with  those  of  the  Brahmans.  It  is  probable  that  the  shep- 
herds, living  a  more  nomadic  life,  and  dwelling  much  on  the 
pasturing  grounds  far  from  the  towns  and  villages,  have  never 
come  under  the  influences  of  Hinduism  as  have  the  other  Dra- 
vidians.  The  basic  principles  of  Dravidian  worship,  however, 
are  everywhere  evident  in  their  legends  and  worship.'^ 

^  The  reason  given  by  the  shepherds  for  the  sacredness  of  the  jammi 
tree  is  that  at  one  time  the  shepherd  kings  wished  to  conceal  their  weapons, 
and  coming  to  a  jammi  tree,  asked  it  to  guard  them.  They  found  a  corpse 
and  removing  the  skin,  placed  the  weapons  in  that.  This  they  tied  to  the 
trunk  of  the  tree.  When  anyone  came  near  the  tree  he  saw  snakes,  scor- 
pions, and  devils,  but  the  shepherd  kings  saw  only  their  weapons.  Be- 
cause of  this  kind  act  on  the  part  of  the  tree,  it  has  since  been  considered 
sacred. 

"  For  further  information  about  the  shepherds  see  Thurston,  Castes  and 
Tribes  of  Southern  India,  II,  pp.  292  sq.  under  "  Golla." 


CHAPTER  XI 

Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism 

How  has  Hinduism  been  affected  by  the  impact  of  this  great 
mass  of  aboriginal  belief  which  it  has  attempted  to  incorporate 
within  itself  ?  Perhaps  the  most  surprising  fact  is  that  Hindu- 
ism has  been  influenced  so  little.  Hinduism  is  composite,  and 
while  it  contains  two  great  cults,  the  Brahmanic  and  the  Dra- 
vidian, there  has  been  but  little  change  in  the  ceremonies  of  either 
cult.  The  most  marked  change  is  in  the  attitude  of  the  original 
Hindus,  who  at  tirst  despising  the  Dravidian  gods,  have  now 
come  to  have  a  very  wholesome  fear  of  them,  and  to  join  to 
some  extent  in  their  propitiation.^ 

The  ritual  of  Hinduism,  however,  has  been  almost  unaffected 
by  the  Dravidian  gods.-  The  Brahman  pujari  still  continues  to 
oft'er  incense  to  the  Brahmanic  gods,  and  the  common  people  care 
but  little  whether  he  attends  to  his  duties  or  not.  Meanwhile, 
the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  paying  their  devotions  to  their 
aboriginal  gods  with  practically  no  change  in  the  ritual  from  time 

1  Census  of  India,  1891,  I,  p.  59.  "  The  devils  and  tutelary  deities  that 
have  been  described  above  are  believed  in  by  all  classes  of  Hindus,  from 
Brahmans  downward.  A  Brahman,  it  is  true,  will  not  attend  the  festivals 
of  the  village  goddess,  but  if  misfortune  befall  him  he  will  send  an  offering 
of  grain  and  fruit,  though  not  any  animal  sacrifice.  .  .  .  The  Hindu  re- 
ligion is,  in  fact,  a  mixture  of  Brahman  and  aboriginal  beliefs,  and  the 
position  which  either  holds  in  the  religion  of  any  particular  caste  varies 
with  the  position  of  the  caste.  Thus  among  the  lowest  castes  the  devils 
and  village  deities  are  almost  everjiihing,  but  even  pariahs  profess  some 
allegiance  to  Brahmanism.  As  we  rise  in  the  scale  we  find  Brahmanic 
influence  becoming  more  and  more  powerful,  but  the  number  of  Hindus 
who  are  altogether  free  from  demonolatry  and  put  no  trust  in  the  village 
goddesses,  must  be  very  small  indeed." 

The  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot  District,  I,  95,  remarks  to  the  same  effect, 
"  Individual  Brahmans  are  not  above  sharing  in  the  festivals  of  the 
meanest  of  the  village  goddesses,  and  making  vows  at  their  shrines." 

2  Such  exceptions  as  bloody  sacrifices  at  Kalighat  are  so  unusual  as  to 
be  conspicuous.  These  exceptions  are  no  doubt  not  the  result  of  Dravid- 
ian influence  on  Brahmanic  rites,  but  rather  the  result  of  Brahmans  com- 
ing into  possession  of  important  Dravidian  places  of  worship. 

I  10 


Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism  1 1 1 

immemorial,  even  though  their  worship  has  long  been  nominally 
a  part  of  Hinduism. 

If  the  influence  of  the  Dravidian  deities  has  been  but  little  in 
modifying  the  ceremonies  of  Hinduism,  the  counter  influence  of 
Brahmanism  on  Dravidian  ceremonies  has  been  even  less.  The 
Dravidians  have  conceded  almost  everything  else  to  the  Brah- 
mans,  and  give  them  divine  reverence,  but  in  the  matter  of  their 
own  peculiar  religion  they  stand  where  their  ancestors  did  when 
they  worshiped  devils  in  the  gloomy  forests  at  the  time  of  the 
Aryan  invasion.  The  people  have  consented  to  have  their  wor- 
ship called  by  Hindu  names,  but  in  nature  it  is  unchanged. 

Brahmanism,  while  practically  unchanged  as  to  ritual,  has  not 
been  uninfluenced  by  Dravidian  ideas.  One  line  of  influence  is 
in  the  matter  of  forming  new  deities.  The  ordinary  Hindu  deity 
is  the  offspring  of  deities,  while  the  usual  Dravidian  deity  has  had 
a  human  career  as  an  ordinary  person.  Hindu  deities  have  their 
avatars  and  live  on  earth,  but  as  divine  persons,  and  not  as  ordi- 
nary human  beings.  The  following  stories  will  show  the  tend- 
ency for  Hindu  gods  also  to  be  formed  locally  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  Dravidian  gods. 

Near  the  Tettu  railway  station  in  the  Nellore  District  is  a 
small  hill  on  the  top  of  which  is  a  little  temple  to  the  god,  Mala 
Konda  Swami.  The  worship  is  purely  Hindu,  with  no  evidence 
that  any  of  the  rites  for  Dravidian  gods  have  ever  been  per- 
formed there.  The  story  of  the  origin  of  this  god  is,  however^ 
that  of  a  local  Dravidian  deity.     It  runs  in  this  way. 

Many  years  ago  a  small  Brahman  boy  herded  cattle  daily  in  the 
forest  land  about  Tettu,  and  commonly  drove  his  cattle  to  this  hill 
to  graze.  One  day,  while  playing  with  the  other  boys  on  the  hill, 
he  trod  on  a  black  stone,  and  kicked  it  contemptuously  with  his 
foot,  rolling  it  over  a  few  times.  That  night  the  boy  took  his 
usual  bath  and  went  to  bed,  but  soon  he  was  in  a  high  fever, 
tossing  with  delirium,  and  terrifying  the  entire  household.  In 
the  morning,  however,  he  was  well  again,  and  went  as  usual  with 
his  cattle. 

The  second  night  the  fever  was  still  higher,  and  the  boy  shrieked 


112  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

so  loudly  that  the  cattle  were  frightened  and,  breaking  their 
tethers,  fled  into  the  forest.  The  people  of  the  household  per- 
formed all  kinds  of  mantrams,  but  to  no  avail.  Next  morning 
he  was  well  again  as  before. 

The  third  night  the  boy  had  a  dream  in  which  a  figure  appeared 
to  him,  and  said,  "  I  am  Mala  Konda  Swami.  You  have  kicked 
me  disgracefully.  You  have  done  me  no  honor.  You  have  de- 
spised and  mistreated  me,  and  so  these  evils  have  come  upon  you. 
If  you  arise  quickly  and  give  me  fitting  honors,  build  me  a  temple 
and  worship  me,  you  and  your  household  will  escape.  If  you  do 
not  do  this,  you  will  all  be  destroyed. 

The  boy  awoke  and  told  his  dream,  but  the  people  thought  it 
was  his  delirium.  To  make  certain  they  called  a  diviner,  and  she 
told  the  same  thing.  Now  they  knew  that  the  boy's  dream  was  a 
real  vision,  and  going  to  the  hill  they  found  the  black  stone.  It 
was  shaped  into  the  form  of  an  image,  a  temple  was  built,  and 
the  people  began  to  worship  it.  The  pit  jar  i  was  chosen  from  the 
household  of  the  afflicted  boy. 

This  story  very  much  resembles  those  relating  to  the  origin  of 
Dravidian  deities.  It  lacks,  however,  one  essential  feature,  for 
the  boy  himself  does  not  become  the  deity.  The  following  story 
shows  somewhat  more  Dravidian  influence. 

The  village  of  Kogilumpadu  possesses  a  local  god  with  the 
Hindu  name,  Narayanaswami.  At  one  time  there  lived  a  boy  of 
the  same  name  in  this  village.  One  day  he  went  with  his  friends 
to  the  forest  to  gather  sticks  for  fuel.  They  soon  came  to  an  ant- 
hill, and  Narayanaswami  stopped  here  while  his  friends  left  him 
and  went  further  into  the  forest.  When  they  returned  the  boy 
had  disappeared,  having  gone  into  the  ant-hill.  They  called  him, 
and  he  answered  them  from  the  ant-hill,  saying  that  he  would 
not  come  out,  and  commanding  them  not  to  call  him  any  more. 
The  children  then  took  their  bundles  of  sticks  and  went  home. 

Narayanaswami's  mother  at  once  saw  that  he  had  not  returned, 
and  learning  from  the  children  what  had  become  of  him,  she 
hurried  to  the  ant-hill  and  called  him.  He  replied  that  he  would 
come  out  if  she  would  go  away,  but  his  mother  would  not  leave. 


Influence  of  Dravidiaii  Deities  upon  Hinduism  113 

The  boy's  father  soon  joined  her,  and  for  three  days  they  waited 
beside  the  ant-hill.  At  the  end  of  that  time  Narayanaswami 
came  out  covered  with  dirt,  and  with  his  hands  full  of  cobra 
snakes  as  proof  that  he  had  been  to  the  lower  world. 

The  boy  now  went  to  the  village  and  walked  about  the  streets, 
eating  nothing,  and  not  going  home.  He  announced  that  if  any- 
one were  bitten  by  a  snake  or  stung  by  a  scorpion,  he  should  put 
a  stone  on  his  head  and  coming  to  the  ant-hill  call,  "  Narayana- 
swami !  "  Those  who  did  this  would  be  cured.  After  making 
this  announcement  he  returned  to  the  ant-hill  and  disappeared  in 
it,  never  again  to  come  out.  Some  time  later  children  in  the  vil- 
lage began  to  be  possessed  with  evil  spirits,  and  the  diviner  an- 
nounced that  it  was  Xarayanaswami  who  was  troubling  them. 
The  people  then  built  him  a  temple  and  his  worship  began. 

From  what  other  information  can  be  gleaned,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  boy  died  in  some  uncanny  way  in  the  forest.  He  may  have 
been  bitten  by  a  snake  from  the  ant-hill.  In  the  worship  there 
are  a  few  customs  connected  with  the  village  deities.  One  sheep 
only  is  offered,  and  the  rest  of  the  ceremonies  are  Hindu  in  char- 
acter. All  castes  worship,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest.  The 
deity  is  a  male,  so  their  worship  is  not  Sakti  worship.  The  con- 
nection with  the  serpents  is  Hindu.^  It  seems  to  be  a  fairly  evea 
mixture  of  Dravidian  and  Hindu  cult  and  legend. 

Another  important  instance  of  the  tendency  to  originate  Hindu. 
gods  after  the  fashion  of  village  deities  is  found  in  the  case  of 
Kotappa  Konda  Swami  near  Xarsaravupett  in  the  Guntur  Dis- 
trict."' The  legend  runs  that  about  one  hundred  years  ago  a  man 
named  Yellamanda  Kotiah  of  the  Linga  Bulija  division  of  the  Sudra 
caste,  ruined  the  wife  of  a  shepherd  when  she  was  herding  cattle 
on  the  hill.  The  deed  became  known  to  her  husband,  and  he  de- 
termined to  seek  revenge.  The  next  day  he  went  himself  to  herd 
the  cattle,  and  when  Kotiah  came,  expecting  to  meet  the  woman 

^  Fergusson  {Tree  and  Serpent  Worship,  p.  58)  says  that  serpent  wor- 
ship is  not  Dravidian.  See  also  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras 
Presidency,  I,  p.  72. 

■*  For  the  facts  relating  to  this  god  I  am  indebted  to  W.  E.  Boggs  of 
Sattenapalle.  Guntur  District. 


114  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

as  usual,  her  husband  fell  on  him  and  killed  him.  He  also  killed 
his  guilty  wife  near  the  same  spot.^ 

Soon  after  this  the  villagers  heard  a  voice  rising  from  the  place 
where  the  blood  fell.  The  voice  threatened  them  with  destruc- 
tion if  they  did  not  build  a  temple  and  institute  worship  for  the 
murdered  man  whose  blood  was  crying  to  them  from  the  ground. 
The  temple  was  built  for  Kotiah  to  whom  the  name  of  Kotappa 
Konda  Swami  was  now  given.  A  shrine  was  erected  to  the  mur- 
dered woman  who  is  now  worshiped  as  a  Sakti.  The  ceremonies 
connected  with  the  Sakti  are,  however,  unimportant  as  compared 
with  those  of  the  other  deity.  His  worship  is  strictly  Hindu  with 
no  bloody  sacrifices. 

There  is  an  annual  tirunalla'^'  at  which  often  as  many  as  one 
hundred  thousand  people  are  present.  This  festival  begins  on 
Siva  Ratri.'  The  object  of  the  worship  is  to  secure  productive- 
ness in  both  people  and  cattle.  For  some  weeks  prior  to  the  fes- 
tival the  farmers  drive  their  cattle  around  the  hill,  and  husbands 
and  wives  desiring  children  tie  their  clothes  together  and  walk 
;iround  it. 

The  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  festival  is  the  number  of 
prabhas  which  are  brought  to  honor  the  god.  A  prabha  is  a  tall 
structure  of  bamboo  poles  erected  on  a  cart  and  decorated  with 
fantastic  banners  and  pictures  of  the  gods.  In  this  case  some  of 
them  reach  a  height  of  ninety  feet,  and  it  takes  much  ingenuity  to 
manage  them  in  heavy  winds.  From  all  quarters  of  the  land  these 
prabhas  converge  on  the  hill,  accompanied  by  great  crowds  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  running  and  shouting,  while  bands  of 
music  precede  them.^ 

5  Another  story  is  that  the  man,  Kotiah,  was  a  rishi  who  was  living  in 
the  hill,  and  that  the  woman  in  the  case  was  a  shepherd  girl  who  daily 
brought  him  buttermilk.  She  had  seven  brothers,  and  when  they  heard  of 
the  sinful  relations,  they  slew  them  both. 

6  See  note  5,  page  21. 

■^  Siva  Ratri,  meaning  Siva's  Night,  is  the  most  important  festival  for  that 
god.  It  usually  takes  place  in  February.  For  a  description  of  the  cere- 
monies see  John  Murdoch,  Hindu  and  Muhammadan  Festivals,  Madras, 
1904.  pp.  28  sq. 

8  The  offerings  at  this  festival  are  large.     They  belong  to  the  ex-zemindar 


Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism  1 1  5 

In  the  case  of  Kotappa  Konda  Swami  it  seems  that  a  local  inci- 
dent, viz.,  the  murder  of  a  man,  has  caused  him  to  become  a  god, 
whom  the  Hindus  have  later  adopted  as  an  incarnation  of  Siva. 
There  is  another  method  of  uniting  Dravidian  and  Hindu  origins 
in  which  the  god  is  first  Hindu,  and  the  Dravidian  love  of  local 
legends  has  gradually  built  up  a  local  history.  The  following  in- 
stance is  an  illustration  of  this  method. 

In  the  village  of  Ulavapadu,  Nellore  District,  lives  a  rich  Sudra 
widow,  named  Kotamma,  who  has  bviilt  a  great  temple  to  Ven- 
agopala  Swami,  and  supports  a  large  number  of  Brahman  priests. 
The  worship  is  Vaishnava. 

Although  Kotamma  is  still  living,  already  a  strange  story  of 
the  origin  of  the  temple  has  arisen  among  the  villagers.  It  is  to 
the  effect  that  at  one  time  Kotamma  had  a  Brahman  cook  who 
did  not  please  her.  She  drove  him  away  with  words  that  were 
very  humiliating  to  a  Brahman.  The  cook  went  to  another  place 
and  secured  work,  but  Kotamma  wrote  a  letter  to  his  new  em- 
ployers, and  caused  him  to  lose  that  place.  The  Brahman  then 
wrote  the  history  of  the  entire  matter  on  a  palm  leaf,  tied  it  to  his 
waist,  and  drowned  himself  in  a  well. 

Kotamma  had  a  son  at  school  in  Ongole  at  this  time.  Soon  he 
fell  sick  with  fever.  Then  a  demon  appeared  to  him,  saying,  "  I 
am  the  Brahman  whom  your  mother  killed.  Did  you  think  that 
you  could  do  such  a  deed  and  escape?     Don't  think  that  you  are 

of  Narsaravupett.  They  amount  to  so  much  that  the  government  levies 
income  tax  on  them.  The  festival  is  a  great  fair  where  cattle,  and  all  sorts 
of  produce,  and  even  timber,  are  bought  and  sold.  One  of  the  evil  results 
of  the  festival  is  that  because  of  unsanitary  conditions  it  is  very  often  ac- 
companied by  an  outbreak  of  cholera  which  is  scattered  far  and  wide  by 
returning  pilgrims.  In  1909,  at  the  time  of  the  political  unrest  in  India,  a 
riot  broke  out  at  this  festival  in  which  the  police  and  every  one  suspected 
of  being  connected  with  the  government  were  attacked.  About  twenty 
people  were  killed.  One  police  constable  was  tied  up  in  kaffir  corn  stalks 
and  burned  to  death.  For  these  murders  one  man  was  hanged,  and  four- 
teen others  were  either  imprisoned  or  transported.  After  this  trouble 
there  was  an  attempt  made  to  transfer  the  festival  to  a  hill  near  Sattena- 
paHe,  some  fifteen  miles  away.  It  was  announced  that  the  god  had 
changed  his  residence,  but  the  effort  was  a  failure,  and  the  old  festival  at 
the  usual  place  still  continues. 


Ii6  Dravidion  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

rid  of  me  so  easily.  I  have  come  to  take  you  for  your  mother's 
sin."  Soon  the  son  died,  and  a  little  later  a  son-in-law  died  under 
similar  circumstances.  Kotamma  was  in  great  fear,  and  to  escape 
the  consequences  of  her  sin,  built  the  temple  and  began  to  feed 
the  Brahmans. 

It  is  a  fact  that  Kotamma  had  some  trouble  with  her  cook,  and 
that  her  son  and  son-in-law  died.  The  temple  was  not  built  for 
the  dead  Brahman,  but  as  a  work  of  merit.  There  is  undoubtedly 
some  connection  between  the  misfortunes  and  her  desire  to  pacify 
the  gods.  It  will  be  interesting  to  watch  this  case.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  story  will  grow,  and  perhaps  in  time  the  temple  will 
be  said  to  have  been  built  for  the  dead  Brahman.  There  seems  to 
be  an  innate  desire  in  the  Dravidian  people  to  have  a  local  legend 
about  their  gods. 

The  legend  of  Aranjothi^  involves  apparently  the  adoption  of 
a  Dravidian  goddess  by  the  Brahmans.  The  story  commonly 
known  among  the  people  runs  thus.  There  was  once  a  woman  of 
high  birth  who  married,  but  remained  with  her  parents.  One 
night  her  husband  came  unannounced  and  lay  down  beside  her. 
She  did  not  recognize  him  and  kicked  him.  Her  husband  then 
cursed  her  and  said  that  she  should  be  born  a  Madiga.  When  her 
father  heard  of  the  matter,  he  called  a  great  council  of  kings,  and 
as  a  result  the  son-in-law  was  cursed  because  he  had  not  recog- 
nized the  virtuous  act  of  his  wife.  The  curse  pronounced  was 
that  he  should  be  born  as  the  son  of  a  prostitute. 

In  process  of  time  the  two  curses  were  fulfilled.  Aranjothi 
was  born  a  Madiga  woman.  At  that  time  there  was  a  guruvtt 
named  Visva  Brahma.  His  worshipers  came  to  him  and  said, 
"  You  are  always  away  on  your  pilgrimages,  so  make  us  an  image 
of  yourself  which  we  may  worship  when  you  are  not  here."  He 
agreed,  and  a  five-faced  image  was  made.  It  was  decided  that 
the  image  must  have  a  wife,  so  a  prostitute  was  brought  and 
placed  before  it.  By  continually  looking  at  her  the  image  caused 
her  to  bear  a  son.  This  boy  was  the  reincarnated  husband  of 
Aranjothi. 

0  Sometimes  written  Aranzodi,  Sanskrit  Arundhati. 


Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism  1 1 7 

The  people  now  told  the  boy  that  it  was  proper  for  one  of  such 
birth  to  go  to  heaven.  He  replied  that  he  would  not  go  unless 
they  worshiped  him.  They  said  that  if  he  would  take  sand  for 
rice,  and  small  pieces  of  iron  for  puppn,  and  making  curry  from 
these,  would  eat  the  food  from  the  tiny  jainmi  leaf,  they  would 
worship  him. 

The  boy  took  the  sand  and  iron  and  traversed  the  entire  earth 
attempting  to  find  a  woman  who  could  fulfill  the  seemingly  im- 
possible conditions.  At  last  he  came  to  the  Madiga  hamlet  where 
Aranjothi  lived.  She  was  at  that  time  worshiping  Siva.  She 
heard  his  request  and  performed  the  feat.  From  the  sand  and 
iron  she  prepared  a  good  rice  and  curry,  serving  it  on  the  jam  mi 
leaves  which  she  had  deftly  woven  together. 

The  man  now  asked  Aranjothi  to  marry  him.  She  replied  that 
she  was  a  Madiga  and  he  a  Brahman,  and  she  was  not  worthy  to 
marry  him.  He  did  not  accept  her  refusal,  and  declining  to  leave 
the  house,  lay  down  in  the  veranda.  W^hen  Aranjothi 's  brothers 
came  home  they  dragged  him  away,  throwing  him  into  a  pit,  and 
themselves  lay  dowai  in  the  veranda.  Aranjothi  now  realized 
who  her  suitor  was  and  married  him  against  the  wishes  of  her 
people. 

Aranjothi 's  father  was  now  very  angry  and  cursed  her,  saying 
that  she  should  be  a  star  in  the  northeast.  When  she  asked  him 
if  he  did  not  have  a  blessing  also  for  her,  he  replied  that  after 
two  ages  the  Kali  yugamu  would  come,  and  then  all  would  wor- 
ship her.  He  then  cursed  the  husband  of  Aranjothi  also,  saying 
that  he  should  become  a  star  in  the  southeast,  but  in  compensa- 
tion he  was  to  be  known  as  a  rishi  and  worshiped  also.  His  wor- 
ship, however,  does  not  seem  to  be  continued  among  the  people. 
Aranjothi  now  in  turn  cursed  the  Madigas,  saying  that  they 
should  always  live  in  poverty,  ignorance,  and  slavery.^" 

Aranjothi  can  hardly  be  called  a  Dravidian  deity,  as  she  has 
no  image,  but  the  legend  has  much  to  indicate  that  she  is  of  Dra- 
vidian origin.  The  Brahmans  claim  that  this  story  is  a  fabrica- 
tion made  by  those  who  wanted  to  steal  their  goddess.     On  the 

1°  E.  R.  Clough  {While  Sewing  Sandals,  pp.  53  sq.)  gives  a  somewhat 
different  story,  and  describes  the  worship. 


1 1 8  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

other  hand,  they  do  not  deny  the  truth  of  the  tale,  although  they 
turn  their  backs  when  it  is  told.  This  story  reveals  no  tendency 
in  the  Hindu  gods  to  come  down  to  the  Dravidian  conceptions, 
but  rather  for  the  local  gods  to  climb  up  into  the  Hindu  pantheon. 
We  may  conclude,  therefore,  that  Aranjothi  was  once  a  Dravidian 
goddess  who  has  been  adopted  by  the  Hindus.  The  name,  Aran- 
jothi, is  Dravidian,  while  the  Brahmans  call  her  by  her  Sanskrit 
name,  Arundhati. 

Another  result  of  the  impact  of  Dravidian  worship  is  that  oc- 
casionally Brahmans  serve  as  piijaris  for  the  village  goddesses. 
This  is  rather  unusual,  and  this  degradation  of  Brahmans  is  not 
always  easily  accounted  for.  An  illustration  is  found  among  the 
Togata  caste  of  weavers  of  Nandavaram  in  the  Kurnool  District. 
These  people  worship  a  goddess,  named  Chandesvari,  and  even 
though  the  offerings  are  of  blood,  the  pujaris  are  Brahmans. 

The  story  commonly  told  to  show  the  origin  of  this  strange 
arrangement  is  that  a  South  Indian  king  went  with  his  wife  on 
a  pilgrimage  to  Benares.  Unwittingly  he  incurred  a  terrible  pol- 
lution. He  applied  to  the  Brahmans  to  cure  him,  promising  them 
one-half  of  his  kingdom  if  they  w^ere  successful.  They  asked 
surety  and  he  called  upon  a  local  goddess,  Chandesvari,  who  had 
a  temple  near  the  place,  to  be  his  witness.  The  Brahmans  then 
cured  him  and  he  returned  to  South  India. 

After  a  time  the  Brahmans  came  south  to  claim  the  half  of  the 
kingdom  which  he  had  promised,  but  the  king  denied  ever  hav- 
ing made  such  a  promise.  They  then  asked  Chandesvari  to  come 
and  give  witness  for  them.  She  promised  to  do  so  on  condition 
that  they  should  walk  ahead  and  not  look  back  at  her.  The 
Brahmans  agreed  and  set  forth.  All  went  well  until  they  got  as 
far  as  Nandavaram,  when  the  curiosity  of  the  Brahmans  got  the 
better  of  them  and  they  looked  behind  them.  Chandesvari  im- 
mediately became  an  image  of  stone.  The  Brahmans  were  terri- 
fied, and  built  her  a  temple.  Fearing  to  return  to  Benares  they 
remained  at  Nandavaram  as  pujaris  for  Chandesvari. 

It  is  difficult  to  solve  the  enigma  of  this  story.  The  goddess  is 
one  of  the  ordinary  village  deities  with  the  usual  bloody  sacrifices. 


Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism  1 19 

It  is  evident  that  at  some  time,  against  their  own  wishes,  the  Brah- 
mans  took  up  the  unpleasant  task  of  being  priests  to  a  Dravidian 
demoness.  As  in  nearly  all  cases  of  connection  with  these  gods, 
some  great  fear  of  a  malevolent  deity  was  the  cause. 

The  Matangi  worship  also  has  taken  hold  of  the  Brahmans  in 
some  places.  This  is  most  noticeable  in  the  Cumbum  Taluq  of 
the  Kurnool  District  where  this  worship  originated. ^^  Here  the 
Brahmans  have  their  own  image  of  Mathamma  which  they  wor- 
ship. In  explanation  the  Brahmans  say  that  at  one  time  a  Brah- 
man refused  to  worship  Matangi,  declaring  that  he  would  never 
do  homage  to  a  Madiga,  but  his  entire  body  broke  out  in  sores  and 
then  he  capitulated. 

In  connection  with  the  worship,  the  Brahmans  have  a  buffalo 
killed  at  their  own  house,  which  is  a  most  unusual  proceeding. 
The  Madigas  prepare  the  buffalo  meat,  the  chief  cook  tying  a  cloth 
over  his  mouth  to  prevent  any  possible  contamination  from  saliva 
that  might  be  ejected.  While  the  Madigas  are  preparing  the 
buffalo  meat,  a  washerman  brings  a  goat  and  prepares  its  flesh. 
The  Brahmans  furnish  all  pots  and  other  utensils. 

When  all  is  ready,  the  Madigas  are  first  seated,  and  the  Brah- 
man pujari  serves  them  with  the  buffalo  meat  and  other  food. 
After  eating,  the  Madigas  goes  outside  the  house  and  keep  up  a 
most  frightful  din  to  ward  off  evil  spirits.  The  Brahman  pujari 
now  serves  the  Brahmans  to  the  goat  flesh,  which  they  all  eat, 
sitting  around  the  image  of  Mathamma.  They  worship  the 
image,  and  spend  the  entire  night  in  hearing  the  stories  of  Ma- 
tangi. In  the  morning  they  give  presents  to  the  Madigas  and 
send  them  away. 

A  rather  curious  story  in  connection  with  the  worship  of  Ma- 
tangi by  Brahmans  is  to  the  effect  that  in  the  village  of  Oragallu 
a  Brahman,  named  Patabi  Rudrudu,  also  refused  to  worship 
Matangi.  All  kinds  of  evils  came  upon  his  household.  When  he 
enquired  the  reason  he  was  informed  that  it  was  because  of  his 
refusal  to  worship  Matangi.  He  was  ordered  to  arrange  for  a 
nine  days'  festival  for  her.     He  himself  must  be  the  hainedu,  or 

"  See  page  30. 


I20  Drai'idian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

story-teller.  His  son  must  guard  the  light  on  the  head  of  the 
buffalo,  and  his  wife  must  take  the  place  of  the  Matangi.  All  of 
these  offices  are  performed  by  Madigas. 

The  Brahman  was  further  informed  that  later  in  the  ceremon}'- 
he  himself  must  be  killed,  his  membranes  made  into  drums,  his 
arms  cut  off  and  placed  in  his  mouth,  his  fat  spread  over  his  eyes,. 
and  the  usual  features  of  the  buft'alo  sacrifice  performed.  All 
castes  were  then  to  worship  IMathamma  in  her  Matangi  form. 
This  was  all  done,  and  afterwards  the  Brahman  was  brought  to 
life,  and  these  various  things  were  done  to  a  buffalo.  According 
to  this  story  the  buft'alo  sacrifice  thus  originated. 

In  the  greater  part  of  this  mixed  worship,  it  appears  that  the 
Brahmans  are  connected  with  it  against  their  own  wishes.  Some- 
times, however,  they  appear  to  profit  by  the  combination,  and  this 
is  no  doubt  the  reason  which  has  induced  them  in  such  instances 
to  interest  themselves  in  ceremonies  which  they  must  find  re- 
volting. 

In  the  village  of  Chenduluru,  in  the  Ongole  Taluq  of  Guntur 
District,  is  a  goddess  who  is  called  Maha  Lakshmi  by  the  Sudras 
and  Siva  Lakshmi  by  the  Brahmans.  She  is  said  to  have  been  a 
Brahman  woman  who  was  killed  and  thrown  into  a  pond  because 
of  her  evil  life.  She  appeared  afterward  in  the  usual  way  of 
Dravidian  goddesses,  and  demanded  that  she  be  worshiped. 

When  the  goddess  is  worshiped,  the  Sudras  make  an  earthen 
image  and  the  Brahmans  one  of  wood.  A  booth  with  two  com- 
partments is  erected  in  the  center  of  the  village,  and  the  images 
placed  one  in  each  compartment.  The  Sudras  say  that  at  one 
time  they  proceeded  with  the  worship  of  their  image  without  se- 
curing the  attendance  of  the  Brahman  goddess,  but  the  plague 
was  not  stayed,  and  their  cattle  continued  to  die  in  great  numbers. 
After  this  experience  they  never  again  attempted  to  conduct  the 
worship  by  themselves.  There  is  a  Brahman  pujari  for  the 
wooden  image,  and  he  insists  that  his  goddess  has  not  spoken  ta 
him  vtntil  a  sufficient  amount  of  money  is  placed  in  his  hand. 
The  goddess  then  communicates  her  wishes  and  all  proceeds. 
The  Sudras  must  bear  all  the  very  considerable  expense  of  the 
worship. 


Influence  of  Dravidian  Deities  upon  Hinduism  121 

In  another  place  where  the  shepherds  have  a  goddess  called 
Yerra  Gadipati  Ganga,  they  asked  the  Brahmans  to  assist  them  in 
the  worship.  This  they  consented  to  do,  and  raised  money  from 
the  other  castes  for  the  purpose.  They  took  for  their  fee  one- 
fifth  of  what  they  collected.  As  time  went  on  the  offerings  grew 
and  the  shepherds  became  dissatisfied  with  the  arrangement. 
They  tried  to  get  the  Brahmans  to  withdraw,  but  a  great  quarrel 
arose  in  which  the  Brahmans  claimed  that  the  real  Ganga  was  in 
their  homes  in  the  form  of  a  girl  ten  years  old.  Soon  the  shep- 
herds suft'ered  much  from  thefts,  and  the  Brahmans  told  them 
that  Ganga  was  protecting  the  thieves,  and  not  protecting  them.^- 
Seeing  that  their  case  was  hopeless,  the  shepherds  submitted  and 
a  Brahman  was  made  pujari. 

Such  are  some  of  the  ways  in  which  Brahmanism  has  been 
affected.  Yet  it  is  remarkable  that  with  all  these  centuries  of 
association  so  little  mutual  influence  has  resulted.  While  in- 
stances of  the  making  of  new  local  deities,  and  the  stories  con- 
nected with  them,  are  almost  unlimited,  these  instances  of  any 
marked  connection  between  the  two  religions  are  rather  excep- 
tional. The  Brahmans  have  succeeded  in  making  nominal  Hindus 
of  a  whole  race  many  times  their  own  in  number.  They  have 
allowed  these  people  to  retain  their  own  religion,  and  have  given 
the  sanctions  of  Hinduism  to  their  gods  and  ceremonies ;  and 
yet  to  a  great  extent  they  have  preserved  their  own  ritual  and 
ceremonies. ^^ 

12  The  meaning  of  this  explanation  was  that  the  Brahmans  were  sending 
thieves  to  harass  the  shepherds,  and  that  by  their  superior  ability  and 
influence  in  the  village,  they  were  protecting  the  thieves  from  punishment. 
I  am  told  by  those  who  know  the  customs  of  the  people  well  that  this  is 
not  at  all  uncommon. 

13  The  influence  of  Hinduism  on  Mohammedanism  is  an  interesting  sub- 
ject for  study  in  this  connection.  That  there  has  been  such  influence  is 
very  evident.  Moreover  it  is  the  Dravidian  form  of  worship  which  has 
appealed  to  the  Mohammedans  rather  than  the  Brahmanic  form.  One 
reason  for  this  is  that  many  of  the  Mohammedans  of  South  India  are  con- 
verts from  Dravidian  beliefs.  Another  reason  is  the  exclusiveness  of 
Brahmanism,  which  would  debar  all  Mohammedans  as  outcastes  from  its 
ceremonies.  The  Census  of  India  1911,  Vol.  XII,  pt.  i,  para.  40,  says, 
"  Whether  from  design  or  from  the  insensible  influence  of  environment, 


CHAPTER  XII 
Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship 

No  adequate  knowledge  of  the  origin  of  Dravidian  worship- 
will  perhaps  ever  be  secured.  There  are  no  writings  or  other 
records  which  give  assistance.  No  monuments  of  any  great  im- 
portance have  been  left.  No  buried  cities  have  ever  been  dis- 
covered. We  can  only  say  that  at  the  time  of  the  Aryan  invasion 
the  Dravidians  were  worshipers  of  deities  which  the  Aryans  called 
"  mad  gods."  The  persistence  of  the  peculiar  forms  of  their 
w^orship  to  the  present  time,  after  centuries  of  close  contact  with 
Hinduism,  and  while  later  surrounded  with  a  fair  degree  of 
modern  enlightenment,  indicates  that  the  "  mad  gods  "  worshiped 
when  the  Aryans  came  to  India  were  very  much  the  same  as  the 
deities  described  in  the  preceding  pages. 

We  are  interested,  however,  more  in  the  meaning  of  these  cere- 
monies than  in  the  date  of  their  origin.  What  were  the  motives 
and  beliefs  which  originated  the  ritual?  What  were  the  ideas 
behind  this  worship,  and  whence  did  these  ideas  come  ?  In  Hin- 
duism we  are  not  at  all  left  in  the  dark  as  to  this  question.  From 
the  Vedas  we  learn  that  the  great  powers  of  nature  so  impressed 
the  Aryans  that  such  powers  were  deified.  From  this  august 
nature-worship  has  grown  the  present  system.  In  the  Dravidian 
religion,  however,  we  are  not  so  fortunate  as  to  have  left  us  any 
ancient  hymns  or  any  systems  of  philosophy.  No  great  inter- 
preters of  their  religion  have  arisen.     We  are  confined  to  one 

there  can  be  no  doubt  that  certain  compromises  now  exist  in  Madras- 
between  Hinduism  and  Mohammedanism.  Propitiation  of  disease  god- 
lings,  worship  of  patron  saints  and  local  deities,  veneration  of  relics,  prac- 
tisings  of  the  black  art,  divinations  of  the  future,  Hindu  ceremonies  at 
birth  and  death ;  all  practises  satirized  by  the  poet  Hali,  abound  through- 
out the  Presidency,  and  render  the  stern  simplicity  of  Islam  more  attractive 
for  its  rural  followers."  William  Crooke  (Things  Indian,  p.  SS7  sq.)  gives 
instances  of  the  same  tendencies.  See  also  Gazetteer  of  Madura  District,. 
I,  p.  80. 

122 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         123 

source,  the  induction  which  may  be  made  from  the  legends  and 
ceremonies  as  we  now  have  them. 

Did  the  sacrifices  originate  in  totemism  ?  Bishop  White- 
head^ presents  the  theory  of  a  totemistic  origin  of  the  present 
sacrifices  as  one  which  will  best  explain  the  peculiar  customs.  He 
says  that  this  theory  is  only  a  hypothesis,  but  he  feels  that  it  is 
the  best  hypothesis  yet  suggested. 

The  argument  for  a  totemistic  origin  is  as  follows.  In  the 
primitive  stage  men  wished  to  be  brothers  not  only  to  the  other 
tribes,  but  also  to  the  beasts,  and  often  this  was  brought  about  by 
an  exchange  of  blood.  In  the  Dravidian  sacrifices,  especially  the 
buffalo  sacrifice,  the  victim  is  often  worshiped  and  garlanded. 
There  is  a  feast  in  the  presence  of  the  deity.  The  blood  of  the 
sacrifice  is  often  applied  to  the  worshipers,  their  houses,  and 
cattle,  and  is  sometimes  mixed  with  rice  and  scattered  on  the 
streets  or  boundaries.  The  entrails  of  the  buffalo  are  placed 
about  the  neck  of  a  Madiga,  and  with  the  vitals  in  his  mouth,  he 
goes  to  the  boundaries.  All  this,  it  is  thought,  may  be  best  ex- 
plained, not  by  any  gift  theory  of  sacrifice,  but  as  the  remnants  of 
an  original  desire  to  come  into  close  blood  relations  with  the  sac- 
rifice itself. 

In  the  consideration  of  this  question  of  totemism,  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  meaning  of  the  buffalo  sacrifice  will  be  useful.  The 
buffalo  sacrifice  in  one  of  the  most  constant  features  of  Dravidian 
worship.  Numbers  of  buffalos,  sheep,  goats,  and  chickens  may 
be  offered,  but  there  is  but  one  offering  to  which  the  name  of 
devara  potu,  or  "  The  Buffalo  Sacrifice,"  is  properly  given.  That 
is  the  only  buffalo  which,  in  addition  to  being  beheaded,  has  its 
legs  cut  off  and  placed  in  its  mouth  and  the  fat  from  its  abdomen 
spread  over  its  eyes. 

We  are  no  doubt  a  long  distance  from  having  found  any  ex- 
planation of  the  incident  or  custom  from  which  this  peculiar  and 
persistent  rite  has  arisen.  The  legends  concerning  the  buft'alo 
sacrifice  will,  however,  give  us  some  assistance  in  learning  what 
its  fundamental  ideas  may  have  been.  Some  of  these  may  now 
be  given. 

"^  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  pp.  179  sq. 


124  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

In  former  times  there  was  a  Brahman  living  in  an  agraharamu,^ 
who  had  one  daughter.  One  day  a  young  man  came,  saying  that 
he  was  a  Brahman  and  wished  to  study.  The  Brahman  received 
him  and  taught  him  for  years.  The  young  man  was,  however, 
a  Pariah,  a  Mala  according  to  the  most  common  version  of  the 
story.  In  the  course  of  time  the  Brahman's  daughter  became  in- 
fatuated with  him  and  married  him. 

Some  years  later  the  young  man's  mother  came  to  visit  them. 
Her  son  v^arned  her  not  to  reveal  his  low  origin.  He  had  her 
shaved  and  dressed  as  a  Brahman  widow,  and  told  his  wife  that 
she  was  deaf  and  dumb.  All  went  well  until  one  day  the 
daughter-in-law  prepared  a  dish  in  which  flour  and  water  are 
formed  into  long  strings  somewhat  like  macaroni.  When  the  old 
woman  saw  it  she  forgot  to  be  silent  and  asked  if  it  was  the  en- 
trails of  animals,  a  dish  with  which  she  would  not  be  unfamiliar. 
Another  version  runs  that  on  a  feast  day  she  asked  if  certain 
sweetmeats  were  fish  tongues. 

The  suspicions  of  the  daughter-in-law  were  aroused,  and  her 
husband  could  not  deny  her  accusations.  She  went  to  her  father 
and  asked  what  should  be  done  to  purify  a  pot  if  a  dog  had  licked 
it.  Her  father  replied  that  the  only  way  was  to  cast  the  pot  into 
the  fire.  She  understood  his  meaning,  and  soon  after  having 
sent  her  mother-in-law  and  children  away  for  a  time,  she  shut 
herself  in  the  house  and  burned  the  house  and  herself. 

The  spirit  of  the  dead  woman  now  appeared  in  the  center  of  the 
village,  and  after  rebuking  the  people  for  allowing  her  to  marry 
a  Pariah,  she  gave  directions  for  her  worship.  She  further  told 
them  that  her  husband  should  be  beheaded,  one  of  his  hands 
placed  in  his  mouth,  the  fat  from  his  abdomen  placed  over  his 
eyes,  and  a  light  placed  on  his  head  before  her. 

The  villagers  accordingly  seized  her  husband,  and  after  leading 
him  about  the  village,  beheaded  him  according  to  her  directions. 
Her  children  were  then  brought  before  her.  According  to  one 
story  she  had  no  mercy  on  them  because  they  were  the  children 
of  a  Pariah,  and  ordered  them  to  be  slain.     They  are  now  repre- 

-  An  agraharai)iu  is  a  village  set  apart  exclusively  for  Brahmans. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship        125 

sented  by  the  sheep  and  goats  which  are  offered  to  the  goddess, 
as  the  husband  is  represented  by  the  buft'alo.  Another  and  more 
pleasing  legend  is  to  the  effect  that  she  said  the  children  were  hers 
and  should  not  be  injured,  but  that  they  should  become  asadis. 
The  present  Madiga  horn-blowers  accept  this  tale  and  claim  to 
be  the  descendants  of  these  children. 

This  legend  is  attached  to  almost  every  one  of  the  local  deities.^ 
It  certainly  gives  no  hint  of  a  totemistic  origin  for  the  buft'alo 
sacrifice.^  Here  is  another  story,  not  nearly  so  common,  how- 
ever. 

There  was  once  a  village  king  who  did  not  worship  Poleramma. 
She  reproved  him  for  his  neglect,  and  he  made  an  agreement  with 
her  that  the  matter  should  be  decided  by  a  fight  between  her  and 
the  king's  buft'alo.  If  she  should  be  successful  in  the  fight  he 
promised  to  worship  her,  but  if  she  were  defeated  she  must  wor- 
ship the  king. 

Poleramma  now  took  human  form,  and  the  fight  began.  The 
buft'alo  was  getting  the  best  of  the  fight,  and  so  Poleramma  fled  to 
an  ant-hill  and  took  refuge  there.  The  buffalo  followed  with  its 
lumbering  gait,  but  by  the  time  he  arrived  at  the  ant-hill  Pole- 
ramma could  not  be  seen.  He  put  his  front  feet  on  the  ant-hill 
and  peered  into  it,  but  could  see  no  one.  He  now  asked  some 
sheep  and  lambs  which  were  grazing  near  by,  to  tell  him  what  had 
become  of  Poleramma.  They  informed  him  that  she  had  gone 
into  the  hill. 

The  buft'alo  waited  with  his  feet  on  the  ant-hill,  but  Poleramma 
did  not  come  out.  Finally  the  time  set  for  the  battle  was  up,  and 
Poleramma  appeared  and  claimed  victory  for  what  would  seem  at 
least  to  be  a  drawn  battle.     She  maintained  that  the  fight  was  to 

3  Kurnool  District  Manual,  sec.  6,  pp.  100-103  gives  this  story  with  some 
variations  as  applying  to  Sunkulamma.  Oppert,  Original  Inhabitants  of 
India,  p.  485,  attaches  the  story  to  Ankamma.  Madras  Government  Mu- 
seum, Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  pp.  119,  120,  says  the  story  is  told  of  Ur-Amma  as 
well  as  other  gods. 

*  This  story  is  given  in  the  Mural  Mahatlunani.  It  is  much  as  related 
here  up  to  the  death  of  the  woman,  who  was  then  honored  by  becoming 
Vishnu's  flute.  The  account  of  her  appearing  as  a  ghost  and  demanding 
the  buffalo  sacrifice  is  entirely  Dravidian. 

9 


1 26  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

be  to  the  death,  and  the  buffalo  had  not  killed  her  within  the 
allotted  time. 

Poleramma  now  reiterated  her  demand  for  worship,  and  gave 
the  following  directions.  "  When  you  worship  me  you  must  cer- 
tainly kill  a  buffalo  in  remembrance  of  this  fight.  The  lambs 
and  sheep  informed  the  buft'alo  that  I  went  into  the  hill,  so  they 
also  must  be  sacrificed.  If  I  see  the  eyes  of  the  dead  buft'alo  I 
shall  be  afraid,  so  you  must  open  its  abdomen  and  with  its  fat 
cover  its  eyes.  If  I  see  the  mouth  I  shall  be  afraid,  so  you  must 
put  the  legs  in  the  mouth.  You  must  also  put  a  light  on  its  head 
in  honor  of  me."  The  king  obeyed,  and  this  has  been  the  order 
of  worship  ever  since. 

This  story  does  not  seem  to  be  very  consistent.  The  fat  spread 
over  the  eyes  and  the  legs  crossed  in  the  mouth  of  the  dead  buf- 
falo surely  do  not  decrease  the  unpleasantness  of  the  sight. 
Again,  however,  there  seems  to  be  no  totemistic  connection.  The 
sacrificed  buft'alo  is  a  conquered  enemy. 

When  we  turn  to  the  Hindu  and  Puranic  legends  we  find  the 
buffalo  mentioned  occasionally,  and  it  is  a  marked  coincidence  that 
in  every  case  the  buffalo  is  an  enemy  and  is  destroyed.  In  the 
Ramayana^  the  fierce  buft'alo,  Dundubhi,  is  a  demon  incarnate. 
He  tore  up  with  his  horns  the  cavern  of  Bali,  son  of  Indra,  and 
king  of  the  monkeys.  Bali  seized  him  by  the  horns,  and  after  a 
terrible  struggle  dashed  him  to  pieces. 

Another  legend,  as  told  in  the  Alarkandaya  Purana,®  relates  that 
Diti,  the  mother  of  the  Asuras,  lost  all  of  her  sons  in  a  fight  with 
the  gods.  Another  son  was  born  to  her,  and  he  took  the  form  of 
a  buffalo  in  order  to  annihilate  the  gods.  He  was  called  Mahisa- 
sura.  The  story  goes  on  to  tell  of  the  terrible  fight  between 
Durga  and  this  buffalo.  Durga  at  last  conquered  him,  and  cutting 
off  his  head,  drank  his  blood. 

A  similar  legend  is  connected  with  the  defeat  of  the  Rakshasas 
by  Renuka.'^     When   she  returned  victorious  to  her   father,  she 

5  Griffith,  The  Ramayan  of  Valmiki.  Bk.  IV,  Canto  XI,  pp.  335  sq. 
•5  Durga  Sapia  Shati,  in  the  Markandaya  Purana,  Bangalore,  1893,  pp.  22 
sq.    (Sanskrit). 
"  See  page  90. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         127 

brought  the  head  of  the  chief  Rakshasa  in  her  hand.  The  Dravid- 
ian version  adds  that  his  hands  had  been  cut  off  and  placed  in  his 
mouth,  while  his  eyes  were  covered  with  fat  from  his  own 
abdomen. 

Oppert^  gives  the  following  story  of  Peddamma.  In  the  be- 
ginning there  was  only  light.  By  meditation  light  produced  a 
woman,  who  was  placed  in  a  beautiful  garden.  Desiring  a  hus- 
band she  picked  a  jassamine  flower,  placed  it  on  a  lotus,  and  be- 
coming a  bird,  hovered  over  it.  Soon  three  eggs  appeared.  In 
seventy-two  days  one  oigg  opened  and  became  the  earth  and  sky. 
The  yolk  of  this  tgg  became  the  sun  and  moon.  From  a  black 
speck  in  the  tgg  Brahma,  Siva,  and  A^ishnu  were  born.  Soon 
the  second  egg  opened  and  the  Rakshasas  came  from  it.  The 
third  tgg  addled  and  brought  forth  diseases. 

The  legend  then  tells  of  the  desire  of  this  w^oman  for  the  three 
gods,  in  consecjuence  of  which  she  suft'ered  the  curse  of  becoming 
prematurely  old.  Her  passion  was  now^  gone,  and  she  determined 
to  destroy  the  Rakshasas.  She  slew  many,  but  a  new  one  sprang 
up  for  every  drop  of  blood  which  fell  to  the  ground.  She  spread 
out  her  own  tongue  for  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  to  catch  the  blood. °  Now^  she  was  successful  and  had  the 
Rakshasas  all  but  conquered,  when  another  drop  fell  and  pro- 
duced Dundubhi,  the  buffalo  demon. 

Dundubhi  now  fought  with  the  gods,  seriously  defeating  them. 
He  blew  away  the  chariots  of  Brahma,  Mshnu,  and  Siva  with  his 
breath.  Peddamma,  the  original  woman,  now  attacked  him.  She 
had  seven  arms/"  and  after  various  forms  of  contest,  she  created 
an  ant-hill  into  which  she  disappeared  as  an  ichneumon.  She  now 
led  up  from  the  under  world  ninety  million  Siddhalu,  or  demi- 
gods, who  by  their  chanting  as  they  came  up,  scared  the  buffalo 
demon  to  death. 

The  Siddhalu  now  cut  off  the  head  of  the  buffalo,  put  its  leg 
in  its  mouth,  spread  the  fat  over  the  eyes,  and  from  the  buft'alo's 
own  fat  made  oil  with  which  to  feed  the  light  placed  on  its  head. 

^  Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  pp.  472  sq. 
^  Compare  the  story  of  Potu  Razu,  page  90. 
10  This  probably  identifies  Pedamma  with  Durgamma  who  had  ten  arms. 


128  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

The  head  was  placed  before  Peddamma  as  an  offering,  and  the 
Siddhalu  cut  up  the  body  of  the  buffalo  and  made  a  feast.^^ 

From  such  legends  as  these  we  may  not  hope  to  establish  any 
historical  facts  about  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the  buffalo  sacri- 
fice. We  may  get,  however,  what  is  almost  as  valuable.  We  may 
get  a  psychological  view  of  the  motives  behind  it.  The  object  of 
the  buft'alo  sacrifice  as  shown  in  these  legends  cannot  be  that  of  any 
desire  for  fellowship  with  the  sacrifice.  In  every  case,  both  in  the 
modern  and  the  Puranic  legends,  the  sacrifice  represents  the  dire 
punishment  and  disgrace  of  a  conquered  enemy.  It  is  remarkable 
that  the  god  should  be  honored  by  the  dishonoring  of  the  sacrifice. 
What  could  be  more  of  a  dishonor  than  to  have  one's  own  hands 
cut  off  and  crossed  in  the  mouth  of  his  decapitated  head,  while  his 
own  fat,  probably  representing  his  strength,  is  spread  over  his 
eyes,  and  his  own  body  must  furnish  the  oil  for  the  light  to  be 
placed  before  the  victor?  This  is  the  supreme  humiliation  of  a 
feared,  despised,  and  defeated  enemy. 

The  disposition  of  the  carcass  also  shows  this  dishonor.  The 
sheep  and  the  chickens  are  eaten  by  the  givers,  often  with  much 
merry-making.  But  the  body  of  the  buffalo  is  dragged  away  at 
night  by  the  Pariahs  for  an  unclean  feast,  and  at  times  it  is  not 
disposed  of  by  them  until  after  decomposition  sets  in. 

In  all  the  legends  of  the  buffalo  sacrifice,  the  buffalo  represents 
a  fallen  enemy.  ]\Iay  this  not  be  the  historical  origin  of  the 
strange  rites?  As  Renuka  returned  from  her  victories  carrying 
her  enemy's  head  in  her  hand,  with  the  fat  over  his  eyes  and  his 
now  useless  hands  in  his  mouth,  unable  to  see,  speak,  or  fight,  so  in 

^1  Bishop  Whitehead  (Madras  Govcnuiioit  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3, 
p.  132)  tells  of  a  custom  in  which  the  buffalo  is  cut  up  and  a  part  of  the 
flesh  is  cooked.  This,  with  some  cooked  cholam,  is  given  to  five  little  Mala 
boys  called  Siddhalu,  who  eat  it.  While  eating  they  are  covered  with  a 
large  cloth  so  as  to  be  concealed  from  view.  He  suggests  that  the  reason 
for  the  covering  may  be  to  prevent  interference  from  spirits  or  the  evil  eye. 
It  seems  quite  probable  that,  while  no  doubt  this  may  be  the  explanation 
now  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  the  origin  of  the  custom  is  connected  with 
the  above  story,  and  the  covered  place  represents  the  under-world  where 
the  Siddhalu  dwell  unseen,  and  from  which  they  came  to  the  help  of 
Peddamma. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         129 

the  struggles  of  the  early  days  of  the  Dravidians  this  may  have 
been  their  method  of  showing  complete  victory  over  the  himiliated 
enemy. 

The  gods  of  the  Dravidians  are  almost  universally  human  be- 
ings returned  to  earth.  As  in  their  lifetime  the  triumph  over  an 
enemy  was  the  greatest  of  honors,  so  now  as  gods  a  sacrifice 
representing  such  honors  would  be  thought  to  be  of  all  things  most 
pleasing.  After  the  head  of  the  buffalo  has  been  cut  off  the  eyes 
are  often  watched  until  they  blink  in  death.  A  great  shout  is  then 
raised,  as  the  blinking  of  the  eyes  is  said  to  be  a  sign  that  the  offer- 
ing is  now  acceptable  to  the  goddess.  Alay  not  the  blinking  of 
the  eyes  be  the  last  act  of  submission  by  the  conquered  enemy? 

The  peculiar  features  of  the  sacrifice  which  are  explained  by 
fotemism  may  perhaps  be  as  well  explained  by  this  theory  of  a  con- 
quered enemy.  The  buffalo  has  a  garland  placed  about  its  neck, 
hothi  are  placed  on  its  head,  and  as  it  is  led  about  the  village, 
people  bow  before  it  placing  their  hands  in  the  attitude  of  wor- 
ship. This  apparent  worship  is  often  omitted,  and  does  not  appear 
to  be  an  essential.  This  procession  about  the  village  in  which  the 
buffalo  is  led  with  a  garland  about  its  neck,  may  very  possibly 
be  the  remnant  of  a  triumphal  procession  in  which  the  enemy  was 
exhibited  before  the  disgraceful  death.  The  only  explanation 
which  the  people  appear  to  know  is  that  this  makes  the  offering 
acceptable  to  the  goddess.  This  explanation  agrees  better  with 
the  theory  of  a  conquered  enemy  than  with  the  theory  of  totemism. 
The  apparent  worship  of  the  animal,  when  it  occurs,  may  very 
possibly  be  a  later  addition,  arising  from  the  Hindu  idea  of  pan- 
theism and  the  sacredness  of  all  life. 

The  feast  in  the  presence  of  the  deity,  according  to  the  totem- 
istic  hypothesis,  is  for  the  purpose  of  communion  with  the  deity. 
This  no  doubt  is  the  object  of  the  feast,  or  perhaps  to  indicate 
that  peace  has  been  established.  It  is  communion  or  peace  with 
the  deity,  not  with  the  sacrificed  animal,  however,  which  is  desired. 
This  feast  does  not  often  take  place  in  direct  connection  with  the 
buffalo  sacrifice,  and  probably  needs  no  further  explanation  than 
that  in  all  lands  a  common  meal  is  the  seal  of  friendship,  and 


130  Dravidicin  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

as  the  Dravidian  gods  are  exceedingly  anthropomorphic,  naturally 
such  a  feast  would  help  to  avert  any  evils  which  they  were  plan» 
ning.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  buffalo  sacrifice  and  the  feast 
were  entirely  distinct  features  originally,  and  no  common  explana- 
tion need  be  sought. 

The  use  of  the  blood,  worshipers  smearing  it  upon  themselves 
at  times,  spattering  it  on  their  houses,  or  scattering  bloody  rice  on 
the  boundaries,  appears  to  be  explained  by  totemism  in  that  the 
worshipers  seek  a  blood  relationship  with  the  deity.  It  should 
again  be  noticed  that  any  connection  established  by  such  uses  of  the 
blood  is  with  the  goddess,  and  not  with  the  animal  sacrificed. 

The  Dravidian  goddesses  are  always  bloodthirsty.  It  has  been 
seen  that  in  some  cases  blood  is  poured  into  the  mouth  of  the 
image,  or  the  piijari,  as  representing  the  goddess,  drinks  the 
blood. ^^  The  smearing  of  blood  upon  the  person,  or  sprinkling  it 
upon  houses  and  cattle,  is  probably  an  effort  to  get  the  full  benefit 
of  the  sacrifice.  The  person  or  thing  thus  anointed  would  receive 
special  favor  from  the  deity. 

The  totemistic  theory  explains  the  hideous  custom  of  wrapping 
the  entrails  about  the  neck  and  taking  the  vitals  in  the  mouth  as 
an  effort  to  get  into  closer  touch  with  the  life  of  the  totem  animal. 
This  explanation  appears  to  be  based  on  a  misconception  of  the 
intention  in  carrying  the  bloody  rice  to  the  boundaries.  This 
bloody  rice  is  a  real  offering  to  the  bloodthirsty  devils  and  Saktis 
which  may  have  been  aroused  by  the  ceremonies  going  on  inside 
the  village.  It  is  a  dangerous  matter  to  deal  with  these  devils, 
and  the  man  who  is  brave  enough  to  undertake  it  must  do  every- 
thing to  protect  himself.  He  makes  himself  as  hideous  as  possible, 
hoping  that  the  devils  will  think  that  he  is  a  stronger  devil  than 
they.  Even  then  he  is  in  terrible  danger,  and  sacrifices  are 
offered  whenever  he  cries  out  that  he  sees  devils.  At  last  he 
swoons  and  is  revived  with  great  difficulty  because  of  the  dangers 
to  which  he  has  been  exposed. ^^ 

^2  See  Ankamma,  page  25  and  Kati  Ankamma,  41. 

^•■^  See  page  40.     Oppert    {Original  Inhabitants   of  India,   p.  462)    says 
C       that  the  pujari  throws  a  handful  of  bloody  rice  into  every  back  yard  at 
midnight  to  keep  of?  the  devils. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         131 

It  may  further  be  noticed  that  in  South  India  the  buffalo  is  not 
considered  an  honorable  animal,  though  a  very  useful  one.  It  is 
stupid,  ungainly,  ugly  in  appearance,  sometimes  vicious,  and  is 
noted  for  having  the  least  sense  of  all  domesticated  animals.  To 
call  one  a  buft'alo  is  to  offer  the  greatest  insult.  Before  it  was 
domesticated  it  may  have  been  a  terror  to  the  people,  for  the 
buffalo  was  the  vehicle  of  Yama,  the  god  of  death. ^*  This  is  not 
the  kind  of  an  animal  to  become  a  totem.  The  monkey,  which  is 
never  killed  or  used  as  a  sacrifice,  but  which  is  often  worshiped,  is 
a  much  more  probable  totem.  It  appears,  therefore,  from  the 
foregoing  reasons,  that  the  buft'alo  sacrifice  at  least  did  not  orig- 
inate in  totemism. 

Fetishism  in  the  Dravidian  Religion.  Much  of  the  Dravid- 
ian worship  is  often  classed  as  fetishism.  The  fetish  worshiper 
of  Africa  selects  any  object  which  strikes  his  fancy,  especially  an 
unusual  object,  and  makes  it  his  fetish.  When  it  appears  to  be 
no  longer  helping  him,  he  throws  it  away,  thinking  that  its  spirit 
has  left  it.  The  6bjects  of  worship  of  the  Dravidians  bear  some 
resemblance  to  the  fetishes  of  Africa.  Often  the  idol  is  a  shape- 
less stone. ^^  Like  the  African,  the  Dravidian  deserts  his  god, 
leaving  it  on  the  boundary  of  the  village,  or  the  rubbish  heap.^^ 

1* /&t(/.,  p.  461.  Crooke,  The  Popular  Religion  and  Folklore  of  Northern 
India,  II,  p.  169,  tells  the  same,  and  also  says  that  at  times  the  buffalo  is 
made  a  scapegoat  to  carry  away  disease. 

15  In  ChagoUu,  Nellore  District.  I  found  \'inaiyakudu,  the  god  of  the 
grain,  represented  by  some  dried  cow-dung  tied  together  with  a  saffron 
colored  string.  Men  were  taking  rice  from  the  bin,  and  this  image,  which 
had  been  kept  in  the  bin,  was  carefully  placed  at  one  side  to  be  used 
again.  I  was  informed  that  the  image  would  double  the  crop.  This  seems 
much  like  fetishism,  but  while  the  people  were  Dravidians,  it  appears  that 
Vinaiyakudu  is  more  Hindu  than  Dravidian.  I  can  find  no  local  stories  of 
his  birth,  but  he  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  Iswara.  He  has  no  bloody 
offerings. 

1^  Sir  Alfred  Lyall.  Asiatic  Studies,  First  Series,  p.  10,  gives  an  exhaus- 
tive classification  of  the  worship  in  Berar,  Central  India.     It  is  as  follows. 

1.  The  worship  of  mere  stocks  and  stones,  and  of  local  configurations, 
which  are  unusual  or  grotesque  in  size,  shape,  or  position. 

2.  The  worship  of  things  inanimate  which  are  gifted  with  mysterious 
motion. 

3.  The  worship  of  animals  which  are  feared. 


132  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

There  is,  however,  a  fundamental  difference  in  the  conception 
of  the  Dravidian  and  the  African.  The  fetish  of  the  African 
possesses  a  spirit  of  its  own,  and  this  spirit  is  worshiped  because  it 
has  been  found  useful  to  the  one  possessing  the  fetish.  When 
this  spirit  inhabiting  the  fetish  is  found  to  be  no  longer  useful, 
the  fetish  is  discarded. 

The  idol  of  the  Dravidian  also  possesses  a  spirit,  but  it  is 
simply  the  abiding  place  of  the  spirit,  usually  a  ghost.  The  spirit 
is  in  no  sense  the  spirit  of  the  object  or  idol.  IMoreover,  the 
Dravidian  does  not  worship  his  idol  for  good  luck  or  prosperity. 
He  worships  in  order  to  avert  calamity ;  to  pacify  the  deity  so  that 
his  prosperity  will  not  be  interfered  with.^'^  The  final  object  of  his 
worship  is  to  secure  prosperity,  but  his  thought  is  not  that  the 
god  Avill  bring  him  prosperity,  but  must  rather  be  prevented  from 
interfering  with  his  welfare.     \\'hen  the  Dravidian  throws  away 

4.  The  worship  of  visible  things,  animate  or  inanimate,  which  are  directly 
or  indirectly  useful  and  profitable,  or  which  possess  any  incomprehensible 
function  or  property. 

5.  The  worship  of  a  dco,  or  spirit,  a  thing  without  form,  and  void — the 
vague  impersonation  of  the  uncanny  sensation  which  comes  over  one  at 
certain  places. 

6.  The  worship  of  dead  relatives,  and  other  deceased  persons  known  in 
their  lifetime  to  the  worshiper. 

7.  The  worship  of  persons  who  had  a  great  reputation  during  life,  or 
who  died  in  some  strange  and  notorious  waj' — at  shrines. 

8.  The  worship  in  temples  of  the  persons  belonging  to  the  foregoing 
class,  as  demigods,  or  subordinate  deities. 

9.  The  worship  of  manifold  local  incarnations  of  the  elder  deities  and 
their  symbols. 

ID.  The  worship  of  departmental  deities. 

II.  The  worship  of  the  supreme  gods  of  Hinduism. 

He  speaks  of  1-4  in  the  above  classification  as  fetishism.  The  worship 
which  he  describes  under  these  headings,  however,  is  Hindu  rather  than 
Dravidian.  Under  6-8  he  describes  what  comes  largely  under  the  head  of 
Dravidian  ceremonies,  and  he  does  not  mention  these  as  connected  with 
fetishism.  The  Hindu  conception  of  pantheism  seems  to  lend  itself  to 
fetishism  more  readily  than  does  the  Dravidian  spirit  worship. 

'^'^  In  the  festival  of  Gowry,  people  worship  their  implements.  This  is, 
however,  a  Hindu  feast,  not  Dravidian.  This  worship  of  implements  is 
very  close  to  fetishism.  See  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras 
Presidency,  T,  p.  75. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         133 

the  idol  it  is  not  because  he  is  dissatisfied  with  it,  but  because 
it  has  served  its  purpose,  and  the  deity  is  no  longer  in  it.  When 
he  leaves  it  on  the  boundaries,  it  is  always  with  great  honor,  and 
in  the  hope  that  the  spirit  will  not  come  again  into  the  village. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  Dravidians  have  some  measure  of 
fetishism  in  their  religious  ideas. ^^  There  is  no  religion  but 
what  has  at  some  stage  possessed  considerable  fetishism,  and 
strangely  enough,  those  which  are  usually  considered  the  more 
advanced  religious  systems  have  a  large  amount  of  fetishism  in 
their  corrupted  forms,  if  not  in  their  original  conceptions.  It  is 
indeed  striking,  however,  that  the  fundamental  ideas  of  the  Dra- 
vidians, as  shown  in  their  worship  and  the  stories  of  their  gods, 
contain  so  little  fetishism,  which  is  commonly  thought  to  be  an 
invariable  feature  in  primitive  religion. ^^ 

Dravidian  Animism.  The  term  animism  has  been  chosen  to 
represent  the  peculiar  religious  ideas  of  the  Dravidians. ^°     It  was 

1*  Cf.  the  story  of  Kulagollamma,  page  78.  I  once  visited  a  village 
where  there  were  no  Brahmans,  and  noticed  that  Ramaswami's  temple 
was  empty.  In  answer  to  my  enquiries  the  people  laughed  and  said,  "  Oh, 
Ramaswami  did  not  send  us  any  rain  last  year,  so  we  got  tired  of  hira 
and  threw  him  into  the  cactus."  Ramaswami  is  a  Hindu  god  who  has 
been  largely  adopted  by  the  Dravidians.  He  has  never  taken  a  very  strong 
hold  on  the  people.  There  is  no  danger  that  the  Dravidian  village  deity 
will  ever  be  thus  thrown  awa3\ 

19  On  the  entire  subject  see  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanisni  and  Hin- 
duism, p.  340;  F.  Max  Miiller,  Lectures  on  the  Origin  of  Religion,  London, 
1891,  Lect.  n,  pp.  54  sq. 

20  Madras  Census  Report,  1891.  Ch.  HI,  p.  88.  "  The  term  '  animistic  '  was 
suggested  by  the  Census  Commission  to  denote  the  religion  of  those  forest 
and  hill  tribes  whose  religious  beliefs  show  no  trace  of  orthodox  Hinduisra 
In  1881  this  religion  was  called  'aboriginal,'  an  expression  to  which  excep- 
tion has  been  taken  on  the  ground  that  there  are  many  aboriginal  tribes 
who  are  recognized  to  be  Hindus  by  religion.  But  the  term  '  animistic ' 
is  equally  open  to  objection  in  that  there  are  many  people  invariably  recog- 
nized as  Hindus  whose  real  religion  is  almost  pure  animism.  I  take 
'  animism '  to  mean  a  belief  in  the  existence  of  souls,  with  the  addition 
that  after  death  the  soul  remains  in  the  neighborhood  where  it  dwelt  when 
incarnate,  and  is  active  for  good  and  evil.  The  souls  of  dead  ancestors 
must  be  worshiped  and  provided  with  sacrifices  of  animals  and  offerings 
of  other  kinds  of  food,  or  otherwise  evil  will  befall  the  members  of  the 
family  to  whom  the  soul  belonged." 


134  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

at  first  applied  to  the  tribes  which  have  not  at  all  come  within  Hin- 
duism, but  the  Dravidian s  who  have  come  have  brought  with  them 
the  same  practices,  and  therefore  their  religion  must  be  termed 
animistic.-^  Animism  is  not  altogether  a  satisfactory  term  in  this 
connection,  for  as  usually  understood  it  does  not  accurately  de- 
scribe the  Dravidian  conception.--  Tylor  defines  it  as  the  belief 
that  inanimate  objects  and  the  phenomena  of  nature  are  endowed 
with  personal  life  or  a  living  soul.  This  approaches  more  to  fetish- 
ism. In  fact,  it  is  difficult  to  draw  any  hard  and  fast  lines  be- 
tween animism  and  fetishism.-^  The  Travencore  State  Manual-^ 
says  that  animism  difi:'ers  from  fetishism  in  that  it  is  the  spirit 
which  is  feared,  while  in  fetishism  it  is  the  object  which  has  super- 
natural powers.-^ 

The  "  people  invariably  recognized  as  Hindus  "  mentioned  in  this  quota- 
tion are  the  Dravidians,  almost  exclusively.  We  have  seen,  however,  that 
it  is  not  especially  the  dead  ancestors  who  are  worshiped.  Such  an  origin 
for  a  Dravidian  god  would  be  a  marked  exception. 

21  Census  of  1911,  Vol.  XII,  Pt.  i,  paras.  86-103,  gives  an  account  of  the 
Khonds,  a  hill  tribe  which  has  not  come  into  Hinduism.  Their  home  is 
in  the  Nalamalli  Hills.  In  this  tribe  may  be  found  all  the  fundamental 
ideas  of  the  worship  of  local  deities  such  as  have  been  described  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages.  There  is  no  belief  in  Karma  or  Transmigration,  which  comes 
only  from  philosophical  Hinduism.  There  is  a  god  who  guards  the  village 
from  the  outside,  and  a  helper  who  receives  a  fee  of  fowls  and  eggs. 
These  seem  like  Poleramma  and  Potu  Razu.  There  are  numerous  gods 
which  brings  various  diseases,  and  connected  with  their  various  kinds  of 
property.  Paragraph  96  says,  "  It  may  be  that  the  Khonds'  hilly  country, 
with  its  feverish  climate,  has  prevented  the  intersection  of  its  orbit  with  that 
of  so-called  Hinduism.  Did  opportunity  offer,  the  Khond  would  probably 
enter  the  Hindu  fold,  bringing  with  him  his  gods,  as  easily  as  many  another 
Dravidian  demon  worshiper  has  done,  and  receive  in  time  a  tincture  of 
deeper  and  more  spiritual  religious  ideas,  with  a  greater  fixity  and  seem- 
liness  of  his  social  relations." 

22  The  Travencore  State  Manual,  II,  p.  39,  says,  "Animism  is  an  exceed- 
ingly crude  form  of  religion  in  which  magic  or  the  propitiation  of  the 
unknown  predominates.  .  .  .  According  to  Prof.  Tiele  of  Leyden,  animism 
is  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  souls  or  spirits  of  which  only  the  powerful 
acquire  the  rank  of  divine  beings  and  become  objects  of  worship.  They 
are  free,  or  may  take  up  their  abode  in  any  object,  living  or  inanimate." 

23  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanisin  and  Hinduism,  p.  340. 
-*  Travencore  State  Manual,  II,  p.  39. 

2'  Census  of  India,  1901,  I,  p.  358,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  clerks 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         135 

As  the  Census  Commission  of  India  has  adopted  the  term, 
animism,  for  the  Dravidian  religion,  we  need  not  hesitate  to  use 
that  designation,  perhaps  modifying  it  to  Dravidian  animism.  It 
will  be  well,  however,  to  examine  somewhat  more  closely  the  fun- 
damental conceptions  of  this  Dravidian  animism. 

Dravidian  Demonolatry.  In  Dravidian  animism  there  are 
two  outstanding  characteristics :  the  spirits  are  always  from  out- 
side the  object  of  worship,  not  being  the  spirits  of  the  objects 
themselves ;  and  these  spirits  quite  generally  have  a  human  origin. 
The  term,  demonolatry,  comes  more  close  to  describing  the  un- 
derlying Dravidian  ideas  than  does  any  other  one  expression.  By 
demonolatry  we  must  not  understand  only  what  is  ordinarily 
called  "  devil  worship."  The  dayyamu  is  a  spirit,  not  necessarily 
an  evil  spirit.^®  In  practice^  of  course,  it  is  the  evil  spirits  which 
secure  the  most  attention,  for  it  is  fear  of  them  which  calls 
forth  the  ceremonies  of  propitiation.  It  is,  therefore,  by  a  con- 
sideration of  the  Dravidian  fear  of  evil-minded  spirits  that  we 
shall  find  the  key  to  practically  all  of  the  ideas  and  customs  con- 
nected with  their  worship.^' 

The  customs  connected  with  the  JMatangi-^  are  striking,  and 
various  explanations  have  been  offered.  We  may  see  if  the  belief 
in  demonolatry  will  explain  these. 

What  can  be  the  meaning  of  the  strange  procedure  of  the 
Matangi  as  she  rushes  about,  touching  the  people  with  her  wand, 
backing  into  them,  and,  worst  of  all,  spitting  upon  them?  She  is 
a  Madiga,  whose  very  touch  is  pollution  to  a  Brahman.  More- 
over there  is  nothing  more  polluting  than  saliva.     A  Brahman  will 

worshiping  a  foreign  ink  bottle,  pens,  and  stationary.  This  is  said  to  be  a 
form  of  animism.  It  should  be  remembered  that  clerks  in  India  are  almost 
exclusively  Brahmans.  It  is  not  probable  that  any  Dravidians  were  among 
those  of  whom  this  is  told. 

For  an  excellent  discussion  of  animistic  religions  in  India,  see  Ch.  VIII 
of  this  Census  Report. 

26  See  note  2,  page  51. 

^~  Manual  of  Adtiiinisfration  of  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  76:  "The 
real  worship  of  the  population  consists  in  doing  homage  either  to  demons 
to  avert  their  displeasure,  or  to  deities  who  rule  such  demons,  to  induce 
their  interposition.     The  former  worship  is  more  constant  than  the  latter." 

28  See  page  30. 


136  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

be  thrown  into  a  panic  if  a  leaf  plate  which  has  been  used  chances 
to  fall  in  front  of  his  door.  The  people  eat  with  their  iingers, 
and  it  is  considered  that  the  saliva  has  come  into  contact  with  the 
plate.  This  is  what  makes  it  so  objectionable,  as  saliva  is  most 
polluting.-^  Why  then  this  willingness  and  even  eagerness  to  be 
spat  upon  by  a  ]\Iadiga  woman? 

It  is  commonly  said  that  this  contact  with  the  ^latangi  is  for 
purification,  but  at  the  same  time  the  Brahmans  say  that  Matangi 
is  a  great  devil.  These  two  statements  do  not  agree.  The  most 
probable  explanation  is  that  the  Brahmans  have  come  to  possess  the 
same  fear  of  this  devil  that  the  Dravidians  have  of  all  their 
demon  goddesses,  and  the  willingness  to  be  spat  upon  is  in  order  to 
escape  from  some  evil  which  might  come  from  the  ^latangi. 

By  the  ^Matangi  spitting  upon  the  people,  she  renders  them 
immune  in  two  ways.  First,  as  the  ^latangi  is  a  terrible  devil 
herself,  it  is  well  to  have  her  favor,  even  though  it  must  be  secured 
in  so  unpleasant  a  manner.  A  second  result  is  that  after  she  has 
spat  upon  the  people  no  other  demon  would  think  them  worth 
spending  time  upon.  Anyone  who  w'ould  consent  to  be  spat  upon 
by  a  Madiga  woman  surely  would  be  poor  prey  for  other  demons. 
The  haste  of  the  Brahman  household  to  be  rid  of  her,  their  willing- 
ness to  give  her  plenty  of  presents,  and  their  meek  submission  while 
she  sings  wildly  and  exultingly  of  their  humiliation,  all  agree  with 
this  idea  of  their  fear  of  her,  and  not  at  all  with  the  statement 
that  her  spittle  is  purifying. 

The  fear  of  the  evil  eye  among  the  Dravidians  is  most  easily 
explained  by  this  fear  of  evil  spirits. ^°     A  common  explanation  of 

-9  One  evening  in  a  village  I  sa\v  a  great  commotion  in  front  of  a  Brah- 
man's house.  An  old  Brahman,  the  head  of  the  house,  vi^as  jabbing  at 
something  most  excitedly  and  savagely  with  a  long  stick,  while  all  the  fam- 
ily were  gathered  around  in  great  excitement.  I  thought  that  he  must  be 
killing  a  cobra,  and  wondered  at  that,  as  Brahmans  will  not  kill  anything, 
most  of  all  the  sacred  snake.  Upon  coming  nearer  I  found  that  all  this 
consternation  was  caused  by  a  used  leaf  plate  which  the  wind  or  a  dog  had 
left  before  his  gate.  He  was  trying  to  remove  it  with  the  stick,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  piercing  it,  when  he  carried  it  at  the  end  of  the  pole  to 
a  distant  rubbish  heap. 

sf*  For  excellent  descriptions  of  the  various  customs  connected  with  the 
evil  eye  in  India  see  Dubois,  Hindu  Manners,  Customs  and  Ceremonies, 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         137 

the  evil  eye  is  that  a  person  may  have  some  evil  influence  which 
is  communicated  by  a  look.  This  is  called  drishti-dosha.  Un- 
doubtedly there  is  some  such  fear  of  the  look  of  a  human  being, 
especially  if  he  be  a  stranger.  This  conception  of  the  evil  eye 
appears  to  be  more  Brahmanic  than  Dravidian.  The  most  of  the 
Dravidian  customs  connected  with  the  evil  eye  can  with  diffi- 
culty be  explained  by  the  evil  resulting  from  a  look,  while  the 
explanation  becomes  very  simple  if  the  fear  of  evil  spirits  is 
postulated  as  the  basis. 

The  Dravidian  idea  of  the  evil  eye  is  that  there  are  innumerable 
evil  spirits  waiting  at  all  times  to  do  harm.  These  spirits  appear 
to  be  very  much  dependent  on  human  suggestion  and  initiative. 
If  special  attention  is  directed  to  any  object  or  person,  and  espe- 
cially if  something  complimentary  is  said  about  it,  some  listening 
spirit  will  take  notice,  and  thinking  the  object  is  desirable  for  itself, 
or  out  of  jealousy  and  evil  mindedness,  will  bring  about  some  evil. 

One  can  scarcely  do  a  more  untactful  thing  in  India  than  to 
praise  a  man's  crops  or  cattle  or  child.^^  The  proper  thing  to  do 
is  not  to  appear  to  pay  too  much  attention  to  that  which  interests 
you,  or  if  it  is  necessary  to  mention  it,  mention  some  defect. 
This  is  one  of  the  reasons  for  wearing  ornaments,  and  it  is  al- 
ways in  order  to  praise  or  notice  the  ornaments  on  a  child,  as  this 
will  keep  attention  away  from  the  child  itself.  The  gracious 
friend  always  addresses  one  with  words  of  commiseration  be- 
cause he  is  looking  so  poorly.  The  European  is  often  disappointed 
because  his  Indian  friends  see  nothing  but  faults  in  his  new  horse 
or  house,  when  he  expects  them  to  praise  it. 

With  the  idea  of  making  the  spirits  think  an  article  is  worthless 
some  flaw  is  left  in  everything.  No  house  is  ever  completed. 
The  weaver  leaves  a  flaw  in  his  cloth.  The  brickmaker  daubs  his 
kiln  with  unsightly  spots  of  lime.  The  placing  of  obscene  figures 
and  carvings  on  idol  cars  and  temples  is  often  explained  in  the 

Oxford,  1899,  p.  152;  Thurston,  Omens  and  Superstitions  of  Southern 
India,  London,  1912,  pp.  109-120;  Crooke,  Things  Indian,  New  York,  1906, 
pp.  192-195;  Monier-Williams,  Brahmanism  and  Hinduism,  pp.  253,  254. 

31  When  I  first  came  to  India  I  at  one  time  thought  to  please  a  mother 
by  complimenting  her  attractive  child,  but  the  mother  seized  the  child  and 
ran  away  with  it  in  terrible  fright. 


138  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

same  way.     Crooke  says  this  is  the  reason  for  blackening  the  under 
lids  of  the  eyes,  which  is  very  common  among  well-to-do  women.^^ 

The  names  of  children  often  seem  most  unsuitable.  Such  names 
as  Pichchiah  meaning  crazy  man,  Dibbiah  meaning  rubbish  heap, 
Roshiah  meaning  an  ill-tempered  man,  Musaliah  meaning  old,  de- 
crepit man,  are  common.  The  reason  for  giving  these  names  is 
that  there  have  been  deaths  among  the  former  children,  and  it  is 
hoped  that  by  thus  giving  the  new  child  a  bad  name  the  evil  spirits 
will  think  that  it  has  no  desirable  qualities,  and  so  not  molest  it.^^ 
At  times  a  boy  will  be  dressed  in  girl's  clothing  in  order  to  deceive 
the  spirits. 

Still  other  devices  are  adopted  to  deceive  the  spirits  regarding 
children.  When  two  children  have  died  it  is  a  common  custom  to 
roll  the  third  in  the  dust  to  make  it  very  undesirable  in  appear- 
ance. It  is  then  named  Kuppiah,  which  means  rubbish.  At  the 
time  of  marriage  such  a  child  will  be  disfigured  or  disguised,  still 
further  to  prevent  the  demons  from  doing  any  injury.^*  At  other 
times  a  new-born  child  will  be  given  to  a  Yanadi  woman.  She 
is  told  that  the  child  is  useless,  and  she  takes  it  away.  Soon  after 
she  appears  at  the  door  with  the  child,  saying  that  it  is  hers  and 
asking  the  parents  to  take  it  and  rear  it  as  she  is  poor  and  cannot 
do  so.  They  indignantly  refuse,  and  then  she  places  the  child  on 
the  rubbish  heap.  After  a  time  some  member  of  the  family  will 
go  and  bring  the  child  in,  saying  that  it  is  too  bad  to  let  it  perish, 
even  though  it  is  only  a  poor  Yanadi.  They  name  the  child 
Yanadi,  and  raise  it  in  the  usual  way.  All  this  is  supposed  to 
throw  the  eager  spirits  off  the  track,  and  so  save  the  child. ^^ 

A  pot  smeared  with  whitewash  is  often  placed  in  a  field  of 
grain  to  protect  from  the  evil  eye.  Such  pots  are  also  placed  on 
the  housetops.     In  other  cases  strange  images  are  placed  in  the 

32  Crooke,  Popular  Religion  and  Folklore  of  Northern  India,  II,  pp.  3  ff. 

33  The  writer  was  one  time  working  with  a  Brahman  pundit  named 
Pichchiah.  In  response  to  my  question  about  his  name  he  rephed  that 
three  children  before  him  had  died,  and  so  his  parents  named  him  Pichchiah 
with  the  result  that  he  had  survived. 

3*  Gazetteer  of  Tanjore,  I,  p.  67. 

33  In  north  India  when  one  child  has  died  the  next  is  placed  in  a  sieve 
and  dragged  around  the  house  to  baffle  the  evil  eye. 


PLATE  VIM 


AN  IMAGE  TO  AVERT  THE  EVIL  EYE 

This  image  is  for  the  protection  of  the  ripening  grain.  It  appears  to  be  a  scare- 
crow, but  it  is  not  for  tlie  purpose  of  scaring  birds.  It  is  expected  that  this  image 
will    attract    attention    and    so    divert    evil    from    the    grain. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         139 

fields.  Very  often  these  images  are  exceedingly  obscene.^*'  The 
usual  explanation  is  that  the  object  first  seen  will  utilize  all  the 
evil  in  the  look,  and  these  objects  will  first  attract  attention.  There 
is  some  reason  to  believe  that  before  pots  were  used  for  these 
purposes  human  skulls  were  placed  in  the  fields.  If  this  was  the 
origin  it  certainly  must  have  been  with  the  purpose  of  making 
the  demons  think  the  spot  was  an  undesirable  place,  perhaps  a 
cemetery.  The  strange  images  which  look  like  scarecrows  prob- 
ably originated  in  the  same  idea.  Their  hideous  appearance  is 
thought  to  deceive  the  spirits.  The  obscene  images  are  more  diffi- 
cult to  explain.  Taking  account  of  the  state  of  Dravidian 
morality,  and  that  the  spirits  were  once  human  beings,  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  original  idea  w'as  that  the  spirts  would  have  so  much 
interest  in  these  figures  that  they  would  not  proceed  further. 

Akin  to  the  reason  for  the  fear  of  the  evil  eye  are  other  pecu- 
liar customs  which  have  been  described  in  the  preceding  pages. 
In  the  worship  of  Bangaramma,^^  and  also  occasionally  in  that  of 
other  gods,  the  Madigas  revile  the  higher  castes.  If  they  hesitate 
to  do  this  they  are  compelled  to  begin  their  vituperation.  The 
reason  is  the  same  as  the  desire  to  be  spat  upon  by  the  Matangi, 
and  to  have  no  complimentary  word  spoken  of  one.  That  reason 
is  that  listening  evil  spirits  may  hear  the  vile  epithets  spoken  by 
despised  outcastes,  and  so  drop  all  interest  in  those  who  are 
reviled. 

The  ordinary  worship  of  Dravidian  local  deities  is  easily  un- 
derstood on  the  hypothesis  of  demonolatry.  The  usual  object  of 
worship  is  to  stop  some  epidemic  or  other  trouble  which  has  ap- 
peared in  the  village.  The  deity  concerned  is  angry  and  must  be 
propitiated.  In  the  case  of  the  village  deity  the  cause  of  the 
anger  may  be  that  she  is  expecting  offerings.  In  the  case  of  a 
visiting  goddess  like  Kanaka  Durgamma,  the  offering  is  to  induce 
her  to  leave  peaceably.  In  any  case  the  goddess  is  an  evil-bring- 
ing demoness,  and  the  w^orship  is  to  propitiate  her.^® 

3^  See  Crooke,  Things  Indian,  pp.  114  sq.  At  one  time  I  was  able  to 
persuade  the  villagers  of  the  evil  effects  of  such  an  image  and  they 
removed  it. 

37  See  page  27. 

38  I  have  tried  to  find  in  the  worship  at  least  some  measure  of  gratitude 


140  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hi>idnism 

Such  ceremonies  as  those  performed  in  times  of  epidemics  are 
easily  understood  in  the  Hght  of  this  explanation.  A  piece  of 
cactus  is  often  placed  on  the  wall  or  hung  over  the  door.  This 
is  done  so  that  the  demon  bringing  the  disease  will  think  the  place 
deserted  and  pass  it  by.  In  some  places  the  people  suspend  small 
pots  of  toddy  from  the  eaves  of  the  house.  The  intention  ap- 
pears to  be  that  the  spirits  will  drink  this,  and  being  satisfied  will 
pass  on.  Another  suggested  explanation  is  that  the  spirits  will 
certainly  think  a  place  deserted  where  toddy  is  left  untouched! 

In  this  way  it  would  be  possible  to  go  through  all  the  ceremonies 
described  in  the  preceding  chapters  and  in  every  case,  from  the 
worship  of  the  most  benign  Perantalu  to  the  propitiation  of  the 
most  hideous  devil,  the  simple  explanation  would  be  found  to  be 
the  belief  in  and  worship  of  spirits  and  spirits  only. 

The  Meaning  of  the  Idols.  It  seems  strange  that  a  spirit 
should  be  represented  by  a  stone  or  other  image,  often  shape- 
less and  uncarved,  and  quite  unconnected  with  the  history  of  the 
spirit  in  any  way.  The  popular  conception  of  Dravidian  worship 
on  the  part  of  the  majority  of  Europeans,  is  that  it  belongs  under 
Lyall's  first  heading,  the  worship  of  "  stocks  and  stones. "^°  We 
see  the  throngs  of  people  bowing  before  an  image  and  making 
offerings  to  it  and  naturally  think  that  this  constitutes  all  their 
worship. 

Contrary  to  the  popular  idea,  however,  the  worship  of  "  stocks 
and  stones "  is  far  more  the  tendency  of  Hindus  than  of  Dra- 
vidians.  The  Hindu  is  a  pantheist.  To  him  deity  appears  in  all 
objects,  animate  and  inanimate.     He  does  not  hesitate  to  support 

for  the  protection  which  the  goddess  has  given,  but  so  far  without  success. 
The  worship  appears  to  be  totally  for  propitiation  in  order  to  escape  the 
present  or  impending  evil.  J.  A.  Curtis  of  Donokonda  writes,  "  I  do  not 
remember  a  single  phrase  or  experience  that  would  justify  assigning  'a 
certain  degree  of  thankfulness '  to  any  of  these  religious  acts."  The  Jour- 
nal of  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Bombay,  VII,  p.  502,  says,  "  The  sole 
object  of  the  worship  of  these  village  deities  is  to  propitiate  them  and  avert 
their  wrath.  There  is  no  idea  of  praise  or  thanksgiving,  no  expression 
of  gratitude  and  love,  no  desire  for  any  moral  or  spiritual  blessings.  The 
one  object  is  to  get  rid  of  the  cholera  or  small  pox  or  cattle  disease  or 
drought,  or  to  avert  some  of  the  minor  evils  of  life." 
3^  See  note  16,  page  131. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         141 

idolatry  on  the  ground  that  deity  is  present  in  everything,  and 
that  it  is  therefore  justifiable  to  worship  any  object  which  is  con- 
venient or  desirable. 

The  Dravidian  idea  is  not  the  same.  In  the  foregoing  chapters 
we  have  seen  no  instance  of  the  worship  of  any  object  as  an  object, 
or  because  of  the  spirit  of  the  object.  In  every  case  the  worship 
is  addressed  to  an  outside  spirit  which  has  taken  up  its  residence, 
temporary  or  otherwise,  in  the  object.  The  Dravidian  makes  a 
god  for  the  day  and  throws  it  away,  or  leaves  it  on  the  boundaries. 
After  the  one  day  it  is  nothing,  and  the  cattle  may  trample  it  under 
foot.  This  by  no  means  indicates  that  the  deity  is  discarded.  It 
cannot  be  that  the  image  is  the  object  of  worship.  We  see  a 
company  of  people  placing  botlii  on  a  tree  and  making  ofiferings 
before  it,  and  it  appears  that  they  are  worshiping  the  tree.  It  is 
not  the  tree,  however,  but  the  spirits  in  the  tree,  that  they  are 
worshiping.^*'     Tree  worship  as  such  is  Hindu,  not  Dravidian. 

It  is  very  evident,  therefore,  that  the  Dravidian  is  not  a  wor- 
shiper of  "  stocks  and  stones."  He  is  a  worshiper  of  spirits.  The 
question  then  arises  as  to  the  connection  between  the  spirit  wor- 
shiped, and  the  image,  often  shapeless  and  uncarved,  and  quite  un- 
connected with  the  history  of  the  spirit.  The  totemistic  theory  ex- 
plains the  image  as  being  at  first  placed  to  mark  the  spot  where 
the  totem  animal  was  killed  to  insure  the  presence  of  its  spirit. 
The  place  became  taboo,  and  needed  some  such  symbol  to  prevent 
it  from  any  violation.  In  course  of  time  the  original  significance 
was  lost,  and  the  stone  itself  was  considered  to  be  the  deity. 

My  investigations  lead  me  to  believe  that,  while  the  stone  was 
not  the  original  deity,  and  while  it  was  erected  to  mark  a  partic- 
ular spot,  that  spot  was  not  the  scene  of  the  sacrifice  of  a  totem 

■**^  See  page  35.  Manual  of  Administration  of  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p. 
71,  says  trees  are  worshiped  because  they  are  supposed  to  be  the  abode 
of  gods.  In  South  India  it  is  thought  that  the  superior  gods  live  in  groves, 
and  demons  in  single  trees.  This  is  probably  an  inaccurate  distinction  be- 
tween the  gods  of  Hinduism  and  of  the  Dravidians.  The  Gazetteer  of 
South  Arcot,  I,  p.  102,  says  that  puja  is  made  to  the  margosa  tree,  appar- 
ently, but  really  to  Maramma  who  dwells  in  the  tree.  The  Valaiyans  in 
their  backyards  have  a  tree,  Odina  wodicr,  in  which  devils  are  thought  to 
live.  These  devils  are  propitiated  once  a  year.  Gazetteer  of  Tanjore,  I,  p.  69. 
10 


142  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

animal,  but  rather  the  place  where  a  spirit  first  appeared.  The 
difficulty  with  the  totemistic  theory  is  that  to  this  day  the  stone  is 
not  worshiped,  and  so  no  transference  of  worship  from  the  totem 
animal  to  the  stone  can  be  assumed.  It  is  the  spirit  which  has 
come  to  dwell  in  the  stone  that  is  worshiped,  and  that  spirit  has 
no  connection  with  a  totem. 

The  legends  which  have  been  given  of  the  formation  of  new 
deities  all  indicate  that  the  stone  marks  the  place  where  the  spirit 
appeared,  or  the  place  chosen  for  its  residence.  Commonly  a 
shrine  or  temple  is  erected  over  the  stone,  but  this  is  by  no  means 
essential.  Often  the  stone  is  changed,  or  the  same  stone  has  an 
image  graven  on  it  long  after  it  was  first  erected.*^ 

After  the  place  was  marked  by  a  stone,  the  dwelling  place  of 
the  spirit  appears  to  have  been  gradually  narrowed  to  the  stone 
itself.  The  idea  has  then  developed  that  the  spirit  may  be  in- 
duced to  take  up  its  residence,  temporary  or  otherwise,  in  the 
prepared  image,  and  in  this  form  receive  the  homage  of  the 
people.  It  can  not  be  denied  that,  by  long  association  with  the 
image  it  inhabits,  the  spirit  has  become  identified  with  the  image  in 
the  minds  of  many  of  the  people.  Even  in  such  a  case,  however, 
when  the  people  speak  of  the  image  as  the  god,  in  their  minds 
they  appear  to  have  the  same  idea  that  more  advanced  people  have 
when  they  think  of  the  bodily  form  of  a  friend  as  being  the  person, 
and  yet  after  his  death  would  not  consider  the  lifeless  body  to  be 
the  one  w'hom  they  had  known. 

The  popular  idea  that  these  Dravidians  are  worshipers  of 
"  stocks  and  stones  "  needs,  therefore,  considerable  modification. 
It  is  true  that,  while  the  spirit  is  supposed  to  be  residing  in  the 
image,  the  image  itself  receives  the  worship.  At  such  a  time  one 
who  is  rash  enough  to  take  liberties  with  such  an  image  will  cer- 
tainly think  that  the  image  itself  is  the  god,  for  the  worshipers 
would  defend  it  or  resent  any  familiarities  most  fanatically. 

The  Meaning  of  the  Sacrifices.  The  fundamental  idea  of 
the  sacrifices  is  undoubtedly  that  of  propitiation.     The  spirits  are 

*i  The  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  p.  8i,  says 
that  images  are  not  essential  to  demon-worship,  and  have  been  adopted 
from  Brahmanism. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship        143 

bloodthirsty,  and  so  blood  is  shed  before  them.  The  more  terrible 
ones  must  have  rivers  of  blood  running  before  them.*^  Often  the 
pujari  drinks  some  of  the  blood.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  the 
piijari  for  the  time  represents  the  goddess,  and  through  him  her 
desire  for  blood  is  satisfied.*^  In  the  case  of  some  of  the  Saktis, 
blood  is  poured  into  their  mouths.  Bloody  rice  is  scattered  about 
the  fields  by  farmers  hoping  that  the  devils  will  thus  be  satisfied 
and  not  molest  the  crop.  It  is  very  evident  that  it  is  blood  which 
the  spirits  want. 

Bishop  Whitehead**  thinks  that  the  explanation  commonly 
given,  that  the  god  takes  the  essence  while  the  worshiper  eats  the 
body,  is  not  satisfactory.  He  suggests  that  this  idea  may  be  a 
very  recent  addition  from  the  Roman  Catholic  doctrine  of  trans- 
substantiation.  Neither  explanation  seems  really  necessary,  so 
far  as  the  sacrifices  of  animals  are  concerned.  It  is  blood  which 
the  spirit  wants  and  blood  which  is  offered  to  it.  It  is  quite  prob- 
able that  originally  it  was  the  life  as  symbolized  by  the  blood 
which  was  desired.  It  is  the  giving  of  life  to  redeem  life.  The 
blood  is  the  life  in  the  thought  of  these  people  as  well  as  in  that 
of  the  Hebrews,  and  when  the  fowl  or  animal  is  beheaded  and 
the  blood  is  poured  out,  the  desire  for  life  is  satisfied. 

When  we  go  further  and  ask  why  life  is  desired  by  the  spirit, 

*2  In  one  place  in  the  Nalamalli  Hills  the  blood  is  poured  into  a  stone 
trough  in  front  of  the  image.  When  a  dog  comes  and  drinks  it  they 
think  the  goddess  has  entered  the  dog  and  is  satisfied.  This  is  one  of  the 
more  terrible  devils  and  is  worshiped  by  the  thieves.  There  is  probably 
some  connection  between  such  worship  and  that  of  Kali  by  the  Thugs. 
See  The  Confessions  of  a  Thug,  by  Colonel  Meadows  Taylor,  London, 
1906,  p.  2y. 

*3  In  such  worship  as  that  of  Ankamma  described  on  page  24,  I  have 
tried  to  connect  the  dressing  as  a  woman  and  riding  in  the  midst  of  im- 
paled animals  with  such  a  ceremony  as  carrying  the  vitals  in  the  mouth 
for  the  purpose  of  frightening  away  other  spirits.  I  have  not  been  able 
to  establish  the  point,  however.  The  entire  testimony  is  to  the  effect 
that  the  pujari  dressed  as  a  woman  represents  the  goddess,  that  he  is  for 
the  time  the  incarnation  of  the  goddess,  and  so  she  is  getting  the  benefit 
of  the  blood  which  he  drinks,  and  the  impaled  animals  are  sacrifices 
to  her. 

^•^  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  p.  179. 


144  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

we  arc  in  the  region  of  speculation.  It  seems  quite  probable  that 
the  reason  is  the  same  as  that  which  leads  to  human  sacrifices,  or 
to  the  burying  of  wife,  weapons,  etc.,  with  a  dead  man.  The 
spirits  of  these  things  will  be  needed  in  the  future  world.  So 
with  the  Dravidian  sacrifices,  the  god  is  the  spirit  of  some  one 
who  has  lived  on  earth,  and  the  spirit  of  the  sacrifice  is  needed  to 
be  of  some  service  in  the  spirit  realm,  as  the  body  would  be  of 
service  on  earth. 

There  is,  however,  another  feature  of  the  worship  which  does 
not  yield  to  such  an  explanation,  and  that  is  the  sacrificial  meal. 
In  the  case  of  the  milder  goddesses  this  is  a  very  constant  feature. 
This  sacrificial  meal  is  usually  a  time  of  merrymaking  and  good 
fellowship.  As  already  pointed  out  in  the  discussion  of  totem- 
ism,"*^  this  feast  probably  originated  in  the  idea  common  among 
all  primitive  people,  that  eating  together  cements  friendship.  It 
is  peace  and  friendship  with  the  goddess  which  are  desired. 

In  some  way,  it  is  thought,  the  goddess  also  is  partaking.  In 
some  of  the  sterner  forms  of  worship  the  pujari  eats  in  the  name 
of  the  goddess,  and  as  in  every  case  it  is  the  attendants  of  the  god- 
dess who  have  the  right  to  eat  what  is  ofifered  to  her,  it  may  be 
considered  that  they  too  eat  in  her  name.  I  do  not  see,  however, 
sufficient  reason  for  rejecting  the  explanation  commonly  given 
by  the  people,  that  the  goddess  takes  the  spiritual  part  of  the  food 
or  its  essence  or  spiritual  strength.  One  of  the  chief  features  of 
the  ceremonies  for  the  dead  is  the  placing  of  food  on  the  grave 
of  the  departed  for  his  spirit.  The  spirit  world  is  very  real  to 
the  Dravidian,  and  as  he  believes  the  air  to  be  full  of  spirits  with 
all  kinds  of  powers,  he  would  see  no  difficulty  in  the  food  also 
having  a  spiritual  essence  which  these  spirits  utilize. 

Origin  of  Dravidian  Gods.  The  Puranic  legends  which  have 
been  related  in  connection  with  the  Dravidian  gods  make  them 
out  to  be  incarnations  of  the  Hindu  Saktis.*"     The  Hindu  Sakti 

■*°  See  page  129. 

*^  Ziegenbalg,  Genealogy  of  South  Indian  Gods.  Madras,  1869,  pp.  146, 
147,  says  that  the  story  told  him  by  a  Brahman  was  that  the  local  goddesses 
existed  at  first  in  the  abode  of  the  gods,  and  originated  from  Parasakti, 
another  name  for  Durga.     They  became  proud  and  arrogant,  and  so  were 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship        145 

is  the  personification  of  the  energy  of  the  Hindu  god  in  the  per- 
son of  his  wife.  The  Dravidian  Sakti,  however,  is  any  female 
ghost  which  has  evil  powers.  Moreover  the  Sakti  worship  of  the 
Tantras  has  almost  nothing  in  common  with  that  of  the  Dra- 
vidians.^'''  No  original  connection  between  the  two  has  yet  been 
established.  The  Brahmanic  influence  which  has  attempted  to 
fuse  the  two  cults  has  identified  Dravidian  spirit  worship  with 
Hindu  Sakti  worship.  The  stories  which  have  been  given  all 
show  Brahmanic  origin  and  the  wish  to  connect  the  two  lines  of 
legends.  No  local  story  about  any  one  of  these  gods  shows  any 
relation  to  the  Puranic  stories. 

The  fact  that  the  Dravidian  deities  are  so  generally  female*® 

banished  to  the  earth  where  they  were  given  the  office  of  protecting  men 
from  demons,  among  whom  they  reign  as  queens.  If  they  do  this  work 
faithfully,  at  the  end  of  the  Kali  yiigainu  they  will  again  be  reinstated  in 
their  former  position.  Ziegenbalg  appears  here  to  be  speaking  only  of  the 
Seven  Sisters. 

4^  See  page  39. 

^^  There  is  occasionally  a  male  god  among  the  Dravidians  as  Potu  Razu 
(see  page  24)  and  Aiyanar.  This  latter  is  an  important  demon  in  the 
Tamil  country.  He  has  authority  over  the  other  demons  and  is  provided 
with  pottery  horses  to  ride  on  his  night  raids.  He  is  said  to  be  the  Ven- 
katasu  of  the  Telugus.  The  story  of  his  birth  is  Puranic.  It  is  that  there 
was  once  a  terrible  demon  named  Bhasmasura.  Siva  promised  him  that 
everything  he  touched  should  be  turned  to  ashes.  The  demon  now  tried  to 
touch  Siva  himself,  but  he  fled.  Vishnu  now  took  the  form  of  a  fascinat- 
ing young  woman,  and  the  demon  wanted  her.  The  young  woman  ordered 
him  to  bathe  and  put  oil  on  his  head.  He  did  so  and  was  turned  to  ashes. 
Siva  now  asked  Vishnu  to  become  that  young  woman  again  for  his  benefit. 
Vishnu  consented,  and  Aiyanar  is  their  child.  See  Gazetteer  of  South 
Arcot,  I,  p.  99;  Oppert,  Original  Inhabitants  of  India,  p.  505.  The  demon, 
Kattan,  is  another  male  god  of  importance.  See  Ziegenbalg,  Genealogy 
of  South  Indian  Gods,  pp.  160-163,  and  Oppert,  The  Original  Inhabitants 
of  India,  p.  483.  He  is  said  to  be  the  son  of  an  adulterous  Brahman 
woman  and  was  brought  up  by  a  pariah.  He  violated  all  the  women  in 
his  region.  The  men  could  not  catch  him,  so  he  impaled  himself  on  a  stake, 
and  becoming  a  terrible  devil  was  made  a  servant  of  Mariayamma. 

Such  male  gods  as  these  are  so  very  exceptional  as  to  be  noteworthy.  In 
the  case  of  Potu  Razu  and  Kattan  they  are  not  independent,  but  are  servants 
of  the  female  gods.  These  few  exceptions  emphasize  the  preponderance 
of  female  deities. 


146  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

would  seem  to  connect  them  with  the  Hindu  Saktis.  It  is  quite 
probable  that  the  same  causes  have  developed  female  deities  in 
both  cults.  The  reason  for  the  Dravidian  deities  being  female  is 
probably  nothing  very  profound,  and  is  not  especially  compli- 
mentary to  the  female  sex  among  the  Dravidians.  The  qualities 
which  bring  these  goddesses  the  worship  of  the  people  are  their 
most  undesirable  ones.  These  qualities  are  quarrelsomeness,  vin- 
dictiveness,  jealousy,  and  similar  attributes. 

It  is  a  generally  admitted  fact  in  South  India  that  it  is  the 
Dravidian  women  rather  than  the  men  who  are  adepts  in  the  use 
of  bad  language  and  vigorous  terms  of  defamation.  Aryan  and 
Mohammedan  influence  has  somewhat  suppressed  the  Dravidian 
women,  yet  it  is  commonly  known  that  these  women  usually  se- 
cure their  own  way,  and  that  by  methods  not  always  pleasant. 
Their  curses,  too,  are  not  unknown,  and  are  much  feared.  When 
such  a  woman  attains  the  freedom  and  power  of  a  spirit,  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  she  has  returned  to  the  scenes  of 
her  life,  it  is  considered  wise  to  propitiate  her.  The  entire  ex- 
planation is  in  all  probability  simply  that  the  feminine  character- 
istics of  the  Dravidians  are  such  as  to  make  their  ghosts  more 
feared  than  those  of  the  men.*" 

The  fundamental  conception  of  the  Dravidians  with  regard  to 
the  origin  of  their  gods  is  without  doubt  that  they  are  the  spirits 
of  departed  people.  The  basis  is  the  primitive  belief  in  ghosts. 
The  Dravidians  have  a  great  fear  of  ghosts  of  all  kinds,  regard- 
less of  what  their  earthly  career  has  been.^° 

4^  The  worship  of  the  female  Dravidian  deities  is  very  commonly  spoken 
of  as  mother  worship.  This  is  the  term  used  by  Monier-WilHams  (Brah- 
manism  and  Hinduism,  pp.  222-229).  He  admits  that  many  of  their  func- 
tions are  anything  but  maternal.  Hopkins  (The  Religions  of  India,  p. 
415)  uses  the  same  term  and  then  proceeds  to  describe  local  demons.  At 
times  the  people  will  call  a  beneficient  deity  a  tali  or  mother,  but  this  is 
unusual.  The  perantalu  often  seem  to  be  considered  as  benevolent  to 
some  extent.  The  general  idea,  however,  which  the  Dravidians  have  of 
their  gods  is  not  at  all  maternal,  and  I  believe  that  mother  worship  did  not 
originate  with  them  either  as  to  the  name  or  the  conception.  It  comes 
from  the  Hindu  idea  of  the  Saktis  who  are  the  wives  of  the  gods,  and  so 
may  properly  be  considered  to  be  mothers. 

00  Census  of  Madras,  1891.  HI,  p.  60.  remarks  that  there  is  very  little 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         147 

There  are  many  customs  practised  by  the  people  to  prevent  the 
return  of  a  ghost  after  the  burial  ceremony.  The  Lambadi  people 
allow  only  one  person  from  each  family  to  go  to  a  funeral.  After 
performing  the  last  rites  those  who  have  followed  the  corpse  steal 
quietly  back  to  the  camp  by  various  paths.  Immediately  they 
break  camp  and  move  far  away  so  that  the  ghost  of  the  departed 
one  may  not  follow  them.  Some  other  classes  make  a  hole  in 
the  wall  or  roof  of  the  house  through  which  the  dead  body  is 
taken.  This  opening  is  then  closed  up  so  that  the  ghost  may  not 
be  able  to  return.  The  Valaiyans  place  a  pot  of  dung  and  water, 
also  a  broom  and  firebrand,  at  various  places  along  the  road  to 
the  burying  ground  to  prevent  the  return  of  the  ghost.^^ 

In  the  funeral  ceremonies  and  other  rites  for  the  dead  such  as 
the  taddinitm,  there  are  many  acts  performed  with  the  one  in- 
tention of  preventing  the  ghost  from  returning.  On  the  last  day 
of  the  ceremonies  the  friends  go  to  a  sacred  jammi  tree  and  tak- 
ing little  pots  in  their  hands,  they  pretend  to  throw  something 
into  the  air.  This  is  probably  a  remnant  of  a  former  food-ofifer- 
ing  to  the  spirit  of  the  departed.  This  done,  they  put  out  the 
lights,  and  in  perfect  quietness  come  again  to  the  house  by  various, 
paths  so  that  the  spirit  may  not  follow  them.  After  they  have- 
arrived  at  the  house  some  outsider  often  appears  and  apparently 
becoming  possessed  with  a  spirit  asserts  that  it  is  the  spirit  of 
the  dead  person  which  has  come  upon  him.  A  substantial  pres- 
ent persuades  the  possessed  person  to  leave.  Otherwise  the- 
spirit  would  probably  ask  for  worship.  This  final  act  seems  to- 
assure  the  people  that  they  are  forever  rid  of  the  ghost  of  the 
dead  person. 

Among  the  Gulgulias  there  is  a  custom  of  pouring  liquor  into 
the  mouth  of  the  corpse.  A  chicken  is  killed  and  is  then  burned 
and  the  ashes  thrown  into  an  irrigation  tank,  in  the  hope  that  the 
ghost  will  be  satisfied.^-     The  Palyans,  a  jungle  tribe,  leave  the 

nature  worship  among  the  Dravidians.  "  Nature  worship  is  Aryan. 
Among  the  Dravidians,  on  the  other  hand,  religion  seems  to  have  com- 
menced with  a  belief  in  ghosts." 

"1  Gazetteer  of  Tanjore  District,  J,  p.  yy. 

52  Census  of  1901,  p.  407. 


148  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

body  unburied,  and  avoid  the  place  for  months  through  fear  of 
the  ghost.^^ 

In  other  cases  the  footprints  of  the  mourners  are  swept  away 
so  that  the  ghost  may  not  be  able  to  track  them.  The  people 
shake  out  their  clothes  fearing  that  a  ghost  may  be  in  hiding.  At 
times  a  stone  is  set  up  to  impede  the  progress  of  the  ghost. ^*  The 
soul  is  considered  to  be  dependent  upon  the  living,  and  so  is  pro- 
vided for,  or  it  will  return  and  do  harm.''^ 

The  ghosts  which  become  deities  are  generally  those  of  person- 
ages about  whose  death  there  has  been  something  peculiar. 
Wicked  people,  especially  if  they  have  died  because  of  their  sins, 
have  an  open  sesame  to  the  pantheon.  It  is  because  their  ghosts 
are  dangerous  and  so  are  feared. ^"^ 

Another  class  of  ghosts  which  is  feared,  and  whose  members 
easily  become  deities  are  those  who  have  died  violent   deaths, 

S3  Gazetteer  of  Madura  District,  p.  105. 

5*  This  suggests  the  origin  of  an  idol.  It  may  be  thought  that  the  ghost 
will  remain  by  the  stone,  or  perhaps  that  as  offerings  are  placed  by  the  stone 
the  ghost  will  come  no  further.  The  step  from  this  to  considering  the 
stone  to  be  the  representation  of  the  spirit  would  be  a  short  one.  The 
custom  of  placing  rags  in  a  tree  may  be  connected  with  this.  The  Gazetteer 
of  South  Arc  at,  I,  p.  102,  says  that  no  one  seems  to  know  the  reason  for  the 
custom,  but  the  people  think  it  will  do  some  good.  Travelers,  especially, 
tear  a  piece  from  their  clothes  and  leave  it  in  the  tree.  This  may  be  so 
that  no  spirit  may  follow  them.  The  spirit  will  stop  to  examine  the  rag 
in  the  tree  and  so  lose  the  scent.  In  Madras  within  a  short  distance  of  the 
Government  Museum  is  a  furlong  stone  which  has  botlii  placed  on  it.  Per- 
haps this  too  is  to  stay  the  progress  of  some  pursuing  spirit. 

55  Census  of  India,  1901,  p.  407. 

56  In  the  Nizam's  Dominions  there  lived  recently  a  much  feared  rajah. 
Since  his  death  he  is  worshiped  as  a  malignant  demon  who  gives  cholera, 
etc.  Associated  with  him  is  a  female  ghost,  Ramamma,  who  was  his  con- 
cubine. Manual  of  Kurnool  District,  p.  153.  A  curious  custom  is  reported 
in  the  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  I,  p.  81,  to  the 
effect  that  because  it  is  thought  that  spirits  of  criminals  executed  for  their 
crimes  will  return,  the  hamstrings  of  the  criminals  are  severed  to  prevent 
their  traveling.  The  State  Manual  of  Travencore,  II,  p.  55,  says  that  many 
of  the  demons  originate  from  those  whose  lives  have  been  cut  short  by  an 
untimely  death.  The  spirit  fills  out  its  existence  as  a  demon.  The  only 
difficulty  with  this  theory  is  that  as  a  demon  the  spirit  never  seems  to  finish 
its  existence,  but  is  immortal. 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         149 

women  who  have  died  in  childbirth,  and  any  persons  who  have 
received  marked  injustice  while  on  earth.  It  is  thought  that  these 
people  will  have  a  grudge  against  the  world  which  used  them  so 
badly,  and  so  will  return  to  get  satisfaction.^^ 

The  ghosts  of  the  Perantalus^^  apparently  are  not  feared  at 
first,  but  are  worshiped  because  they  did  good  while  on  earth. 
They  become  the  milder  and  more  beneficent  of  the  goddesses, 
yet  because  of  the  general  tendencies  of  Dravidian  worship,  the 
more  bloody  ceremonies  are  often  present,  and  in  time  many  of 
them  come  to  be  feared  but  little  less  than  are  the  other  demons. ^^ 

Morality  of  the  Dravidian  Religion.  To  one  who  for  the 
first  time  comes  into  contact  with  the  Dravidian  religious  cere- 
monies, they  seem  shocking  and  terrible.  Comparing  them  with 
the  ceremonies  of  Hinduism  he  is  inclined  to  feel  that  the  Dra- 
vidian rites  represent  the  very  acme  of  immoral  "  heathenism," 

^^  I  place  here  the  deification  of  women  dying  in  childbirth,  for  it  seems 
the  best  explanation.  What  is  more  unjust  than  that  a  woman  should 
lose  her  life  in  giving  life  to  another?  From  the  human  point  of 
view  there  is  no  explanation,  and  such  a  woman,  it  is  thought  by  the  Dra- 
vidians,  will  not  be  in  a  good  mood  toward  the  living. 

58  In  the  Vizagapatam  District  Perantalu  worship  is  very  common.  They 
are  usually  worshiped  as  gramma  dcvatalu,  or  village  goddesses,  but  have 
no  influence  over  epidemics.  In  this  district  little  is  known  of  the  local 
histories  of  the  goddesses,  which  appears  to  indicate  that  they  have  come 
from  further  south.     See  Gazetteer  of  Vizagapatam  District,  I,  p.  315. 

59  The  Manual  of  Administration  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  p.  71,  says 
that  ancestor  worship  among  the  Dravidians  began  with  fear  of  the  shades 
of  the  ancestors.  This  is  no  doubt  true  wherever  ancestor  worship  is 
found.  As  has  been  seen  in  the  preceding  pages,  the  deity  is  very  seldom 
an  ancestor.  Ancestor  worship  is  more  Brahmanic  than  Dravidian.  Sir 
Alfred  Lyall  {Asiatic  Studies,  First  Series,  p.  49)  argues  that  the  gods  of 
the  aboriginal  tribes  originate  in  the  worship  of  living  people.  He  says  that 
the  human  personality  impresses  them  so  powerfully  that  they  worship 
people  while  living,  and  the  spirits  of  the  same  people  after  they  have  died. 
The  foregoing  investigations  cast  considerable  doubt  on  this  explanation. 
No  instances  have  been  found  of  a  person  being  worshiped  while  living 
and  also  after  death.  It  is  the  Brahmanic  religion  which  teaches  the 
worship  of  living  people,  that  is,  the  worship  of  Brahmans.  Among  the 
Dravidians  the  absence  of  the  worship  of  people  and  of  human  personality 
appears  to  be  a  marked  feature. 


150  Draz'idian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

while  those  of  Brahmanic  Hinduism  have  something  of  refine- 
ment and  charm.  A  closer  study  shows,  however,  that  while  the 
Dravidian  ceremonies  are  more  shocking,  their  system  does  not 
contain  so  many  immoralities  as  does  that  of  the  Brahmans.°° 

In  Brahmanical  Hinduism  we  find  many  most  debasing  cus- 
toms which  are  condemned  by  no  one  more  strongly  than  by  the 
leading  Hindu  reformers  themselves.  The  debauchery  of  many 
of  their  festivals,  the  shamelessness  of  many  places  of  pilgrim- 
age, the  attachment  of  dancing  girls  to  the  temples  with  all  which 
that  implies,  the  lives  of  many  of  the  religious  mendicants,  the 
unmentionable  things  in  connection  of  the  worship  of  the  lingaui, 
the  proceedings  in  temples  which  women  visit  to  pray  for  off- 
spring :  all  these  things  are  not  denied  by  Hindus. 

None  of  these  immoralities  has  any  counterpart  in  Dravidian 
worship.  The  night  orgies  may  be  hideous,  but  the  very  nature 
of  the  devil  worship  at  night  prevents  other  vice.  The  coming 
together  of  great  crowds  of  people  at  festival  times  quite  likely 
leads  to  more  or  less  sin,  but  these  festivals  are  pure  compared 
wath  many  of  the  festivals  of  Hinduism.  The  Dravidian  pujaris 
have  not  the  power  over  the  people  which  the  Brahman  priests 

^^  Madras  Government  Museum,  Bulletin,  V,  no.  3,  pp.  176,  177.  "The 
Brahmanical  system  has  sunk  to  lower  depths  than  have  been  reached  by 
the  cruder  religion  of  the  village  people.  The  worship  of  the  village  deities 
contains  much  that  is  physically  repulsive.  The  details  of  the  buffalo  sac- 
rifice are  horrid  to  read  about,  and  still  worse  to  witness,  and  the  sight 
of  a  pujari  parading  the  streets  with  the  entrails  of  a  lamb  round  his  neck 
and  its  liver  in  his  mouth  would  be  to  us  disgusting;  and  doubtless  there 
is  much  drunkenness  and  immorality  connected  with  the  village  festivals; 
while  the  whole  system  of  religion  is  prompted  by  fear  and  superstition, 
and  seems  almost  entirely  lacking  in  anything  like  a  sense  of  sin  or  feelings 
of  gratitude  toward  a  higher  spiritual  Power.  But  still  it  is  also  true, 
setting  aside  a  few  local  customs  in  the  worship  of  the  village  deities, 
there  is  nothing  in  the  system  itself  which  is  so  morally  degrading  and 
repulsive  as  the  lingam  worship  of  the  Sivaites,  or  the  marriage  of  girls 
to  the  god,  and  their  consequent  dedication  to  a  life  of  prostitution  among 
the  Vaishnavites.  If  the  worship  of  Siva  and  Vishnu  has  risen  to  greater 
heights,  it  has  also  sunk  to  lower  moral  depths  than  the  less  aesthetic  wor- 
ship of  the  grama-devatas." 


Fundamental  Conceptions  in  Dravidian  Worship         151 

possess,  and  so  have  less  opportunity  to  turn  their  spiritual  au- 
thority to  carnal  purposes. 

The  Dravidian  system  of  religion  may  be  said,  indeed,  to  be 
non-moral  rather  than  immoral. *^^  Moral  considerations  do  not 
enter  into  it  at  all.  The  propitiation  of  the  village  goddess  is  not 
to  expiate  moral  lapses,  but  in  so  far  as  it  has  anything  at  all  to 
do  with  conduct  it  is  to  make  peace  with  her  for  any  failure  in  her 
worship.  In  connection  with  their  religion  no  one  thinks  of  such 
a  thing  as  reward  for  moral  action  or  punishment  for  immoral 
conduct. 

In  the  accounts  of  the  formation  of  Dravidian  deities  it  has 
been  made  evident  that  the  immoral  person  is  the  one  most  likely 
to  be  deified.  This  fact  may  produce  the  impression  that  immo- 
rality is  not  condemned  but  rather  sanctioned.  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  this  making  a  god  of  the  worst  sinner  may  lead  to 
approval  of  evil  deeds,  for  the  one  who  has  sinned  is  the  hero, 
and  those  who  have  brought  just  punishment  upon  him  or  her 
are  the  ones  who  have  reason  to  fear.  The  influence  of  such 
ideas  certainly  is  not  good.  In  the  deification  of  such  evil  doers, 
however,  the  moral  question  does  not  have  any  place.  It  is  not 
because  the  man  was  a  sinner  that  he  became  a  god,  but  because 

''''^Census  of  India,  1891,  para.  99,  p.  60:  "There  is  very  little  connection 
between  the  religion  and  the  morality  of  the  people  of  the  Madras  Presi- 
dency. Their  religion  concerns  itself  with  the  ways  to  avoid  or  remove 
evil,  but  the  idea  that  wicked  conduct  will  be  punished  or  good  conduct 
obtain  its  reward  in  a  future  state  is  hardly  to  be  found  at  all  in  the  purely 
Dravidian  religion.  The  fear  of  hell  and  the  hope  of  heaven  appear  in  the 
Puranic  beliefs,  but  this  doctrine  has  very  little  currency  beyond  the 
Brahmans  and  a  few  of  the  higher  castes,  and  even  among  these  the  moral 
code  of  their  religion  is  but  vaguely  known  and  of  no  great  influence. 
Nearly  every  Hindu  pays  allegience  to  some  guru  or  spiritual  teacher,  but 
the  energies  of  their  instructions  are  for  the  most  part  confined  to  teaching 
mantrams  that  are  unintelligible  to  the  pupil,  and  not  always  understood  by 
the  master,  to  performing  ceremonial  acts  .  .  .  and  lastly  to  the  collection 
of  funds.  The  functions  of  the  domestic  priests  are  entirely  ceremonial, 
and  little  if  any  religious  instruction  is  given  by  the  parents.  The  morality 
of  the  Hindus,  indeed,  is  a  matter  of  caste  and  not  of  religion,  and  miscon- 
duct is  punished  by  the  caste  council,  and  not  by  the  spiritual  teacher." 


152  Dravidian  Gods  in  Modern  Hinduism 

such  a  man  is  thought  to  be  more  terrible  and  more  unscrupulous 
than  others,  and  so  his  ghost  is  feared  the  more. 

In  the  matter  of  cheating  and  deceiving  the  gods  we  see  simply 
a  reflection  of  the  ever^^day  actions  of  the  people  among  them- 
selves. The  Dravidian  religion  has  no  moral  sanctions.  It  is 
simply  a  method  of  dealing  with  powerful  spirits,  the  greater 
number  of  which  are  malignant.  The  religion  reflects  the  moral- 
ity of  the  people,  and  is  in  no  way  responsible  for  it. 


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INDEX 


Aiyanar,  145. 

Akka  devatalu,  "]"]. 

Ammavaru,  20,  95,  103. 

Ancestor  worship,  149. 

Angaramma,  26. 

Ankallamma,  26. 

Ankamma,  19,  24,  95,  125,  143. 

Animism,  133. 

Ant  hills,  worship  of,  84. 

Aranjothi,  116. 

Aryans,  9,  90,  122. 

Asuras,  51,  126. 

Bandlamma,  75. 
Bangaramma,  19,  2"],  31, 
Boggs,  W.  E.,  113. 
Brahma,  91,  94,  97,  127. 
Brahmans,  10,  16,  31,  44,  91,  95, 

102,  no,  118. 
Buchamma,  34,  62. 
Buffalo  sacrifice,  23,  26,  28,  Z2>, 

45,  47,  123. 

Census  of  India,   12,   no,   134, 

147. 
Chandler,  J.  S.,  37. 
Chinamma,  20. 
Chokkalingam,  84. 
Cholera,  49,  TJ. 
Christian  influence,  80. 
Clough,   E.   R.,  29,  30,  47,  99, 

117. 
Comparative  religion,  6. 
Crooke,  Wm.,  6,  9,  51,  122,  138. 
Cruelties,  25,  37,  48. 

Demons,  41,  86.     (See  saktis.) 
Demon  possession,  51. 
Demonolatry,  135,  139. 


Devakka,  97. 

Dilli  Polasi,  19,  26,  42. 

Donga  Sakti,  43. 

Dravidians,  4,  8,  9. 

Dubois,  The  Abbe,  47,  51,  136. 

Durga,  13,  67,  126,  144. 

Ellamma,  30,  loi,  107. 

Erukalas,  52,  95. 

Evil  eye,  137. 

Evil  spirits,  2"].     (See  saktis.) 

Exorcism,  51,  68. 

Farquahar,  J.  N.,  17. 

Fetishism,  131. 

Funeral  ceremonies,  147. 

100,       Ganesa,  13. 

Gangamma,  105. 

Ganges  River,  106. 
40,       Ghosts,  132,  146. 

Giri  Razu,  zi,  83. 

Gonti,  69. 
146,       Gowery  festival,  132. 

Gumpamma,  TJ. 

Hanuman,  13,  54. 
Hero  worship,  108. 
Hinduism,   no,   122. 
Hook  swinging,  yj^  7^- 
104,       Hopkins,  E.  W..  4. 

Household  goddess,  26. 
Human  sacrifice,  47,  74,  144, 

Idols,  140,  148. 

Impaling  of  animals,  25,  96. 

Tagannath.  08. 
Jamadagni,  86,  92. 


IS6 


INDEX 


Jatara,  21. 
Jones,  J.  P.,  84. 

Kali,  13,  "JT,  83,  143. 

Kanaka  Durgamma,  '^'j,  66,  139. 

Kateri,  149. 

Kati  Ankamma,  41. 

Khonds,  46,  134. 

Kitsamma,  "jd. 

Komaties,  10,  d"]. 

Korlapati  Ankamma.  go,  94. 

Kotappa  Konda  Swami,  113. 

Krishna,  98. 

Kshatrias,   10. 

Kudullamma,  78. 

Kulagollamma,  17,  78. 

Kurumajya.  "jd. 

Ladothamma,  "jj,. 

Lakshmi,  94. 

Lambadi  Sakti,  46. 

Lambadis,  46,  147. 

Legends,  Siva,  81,  Vishnu,  86. 

Lemuria,  9. 

Limgamma,  34,  (i'^. 

Lyall.  Sir  Alfred,  13.  131,  149. 

Madigas,   23,    28,    68,   98,    100,    108, 

116,  119. 
Madura  temple,  84. 
Malas.  25,  69. 
Malayala  Sakti,  47. 
Mala  Konda  Swami,  iii. 
Mangamma,  'jy. 
Mariammam,  20,  25,  38. 
Matangi.  28.  97,  119,  135. 
Mathamma.  19,  28,  98,  103.  120. 
Minakshi.  84. 

Mohammedans.  64,  121.  146. 
Monkej'  god.  54. 
Monier-Williams.  Sir  Monier,  4,  13, 

39.  86.  133,  137,  146. 
Moore  E.,  13.  66,  88,  90.  92. 
Morality  of  Dravidians,  139.  149. 
Muggu,  27,  43,  48,  53,  68,  83. 


Mundla  Mudamma,  71. 
Munniyappan,  66. 
Muthj'alamma,  19,  26. 

Nadividhi  Sakti,  44. 
Nagamma.  "jji- 
Narada,  87. 
Nattaryan,  55,  66. 

Oppert,  Gustav,  3,  15,  25,  127,  130. 

145- 
Origin  of  Dravidian  deities,  62,  144. 

Pandavas.  18. 

Panta  Kateri,  50. 

Papanooka,  25,  98. 

Parasu  Rama.  86,  93,  99. 

Parvati,  13,  39,  83,  94,  99. 

Peddamma,  20,  127. 

Perantalu  worship,  2)7»  62.  146,  149. 

Podilamma.  70. 

Poleramma.  19.  68.  102.  125. 

Poshamma,  57,  59. 

Potu  Razu,  19,  24,  90,  92,  103,  134,. 

145. 
Potukuri  Verabramham,  79. 
Puranas,  2)7,  81,  92,  95,  144. 

Rakashasas,  51.  86,  89,  91,  126. 

Rakta  Kateri,  50. 

Rama,  16. 

Ramaj'ana,  90,  106,  126. 

Renuka,    19,  32,  37,   83.  86.   92,  94,. 

99,  126. 
Rigveda.   10. 
Rutherford.  Chas.,  60. 


Sacrifices,  142. 
Sandamma,  jy. 
Saktis,  39,  51,  53.  82. 

106,  114,  130,  144. 
Sarasvati,  94. 
Sati,  62. 

Serpent  worship,  113. 
Seven  Sisters,  19,  62. 


90.  92,  94, 


INDEX 


157 


Shepherds,  36,  105,  121. 
Shepherds'  Purana,  30,  36,  105. 
Siddhalu,   127. 
Siva,   13,  39,  66,  81,  84,  91,  94,  96, 

106,   127. 
Siva  ratri,  114. 
Small  pox,  20. 
Stait,  F.  W.,  57,  59- 
Sudras,  10,  62,  66,  69,  120. 
Sunkulamma,  125. 


Vasa  Devadu,  97. 
Vedas,  10,  91,  122. 
Venagopala  Swami,  115. 
Venkatasu,  145. 
Verdatchamma,  74. 
Vinaiyakadu,  131. 
Vinukonda  Ankamma,  ^T. 
Virabhadra,  66. 
Vishnu,  16,  82,  86,  91,  93,  99. 
Visva  Brahma,  94,  108,  116. 


Tantras,  39,  145. 

Thugs,  yT,  143- 

Thurston,  E.,  10,  29,  31,  49,  99,  109, 

137. 
Tirunalla,  21,  114. 
Tota  Kuramma,  64. 
Totemism,  14,  123. 
Tree  worship,  35,  109,  141,  147. 

Usuramma,  34,  64. 
Vaisyas,  10. 


Webster,  Dr.  Hutton,  i. 
Whitehead,      Henry,      Bishop      of 
Madras,  7,  I9,  21,  24,  41,  123,  128, 

143- 
Women,  Dravidian,  146. 

Yama,   131. 
Yanadis,  10,  138. 
Yetti,  21. 

Ziegenbalg,  144. 


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